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1.
The central question that this work asks is whether the relationship between the G20 summit process and civil society is path dependent on the template built up with respect to the G8. Or, alternatively, does the G20–civil society relationship move towards a distinct autonomous pattern? Through the perspective of the G8 template it is the differences as much as the basic similarities that stand out with respect to the G20. Civil society recognised the significance of the G20 as a site both of delivery and resistance far quicker than they did with the G8—although the process of engagement did not take place as quickly as might have been expected given the scale of the impact of the global financial crisis. In terms of scope, there has not developed the sense of connection with the G20 agenda as occurred previously with the G8. In terms of form, there remains a more nuanced approach to the relationship between civil society and G20 than the two ends of the “Genoa” and “Gleneagles” spectrum established with the G8.  相似文献   

2.
As the world economy has begun to experience an all-round growth in resur-gence,developed countries are most likely to enjoy a longest economic re-vival in modern history,while developing countries will go on sustaining  相似文献   

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Diversity is the basic feature of the world, which is not contradictory to the democratization of international relations and the efforts of the people of various countries in building a harmonious world. In recent years, on the premises of respecting and maintaining diversity of the world, and by conforming to the historical trend of the times, China has  相似文献   

5.
As part of its new strategy of "returning to the Asia-Pacific region", the ~Obama administration has adopted some tough economic policies towards China, notably promoting the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) and attempting to establish new rules of international trade and investment aimed at strengthening economic ties with other Westem countries through the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership Agreement(TTIP ),  相似文献   

6.
The″9·11″incidenthasbroughtaboutmanynewbewilderingphenomenoninthefieldofworldsecurity.Greatchangeshavealsotakenplacea-mongvariouscountriesinunderstandingofthreatstosecurityandinsubjectiveperceptionofsecurity.Countriesattheverycoreoftheinternationalcom-munitysuchastheUnitedStatesandcountriesonthemarginlikeAfghanistanlacksenseofsecurity.Whilepushingaheadwiththeglobalstrategyinanall-roundmannerandmakingeffortstomaintainitsinterestsabroad,theUScannoteffectivelysafe-guarditshomeland…  相似文献   

7.
The world economic situation is on the whole facing more risks, reflected in "stagflation plus financial crisis". That is to say global economic growth has slowed down, but inflation pressure remains high. The impact of the sub-prime mortgage crisis on European and US economy is continuing to deepen and emerging economies are facing financial turmoil once again.  相似文献   

8.
Lu: Good morning, everybody. We held a discussion this time oflast year, forecasting then global trends in 2003. Today the EditorialDepartment of Contemporary International Relations once again invitedus here for the same purpose of not only summing up the events in theyear just gone by but also for forecasting the world trends in the newyear. The year 2003 was one of turbulence with the war in Iraq and theKorean nuclear issue affecting the global situation as a whole, therebybringing up a …  相似文献   

9.
Can US engagement moderate China’s strategic competition with America? This study indicates that the answer is a qualified yes. Under unipolarity, a rising state may face both incentives to reach an accommodation with the hegemon and to expand its own stature and influence against the hegemonic dominance. The ambivalence of its intentions is structurally induced and reflects its uncertain stake in the hegemonic order. Consequently, a strategy of engagement may help the hegemon to promote cooperation over competition in dealing with an ascending power, but it does not necessarily eliminate the structural incentives for the competition. Against this theoretical backdrop, this study utilizes both qualitative and quantitative research to demonstrate that China’s reaction to American preeminence has long been marked by a profound ambivalence. Specifically, the findings suggest that while US engagement has some restraining impact on China’s competitive propensity, Beijing will continue to hedge against American hegemony, as its capabilities grow, by solidifying its diplomatic and strategic association with the developing world.  相似文献   

10.
The United States–India relationship was fraught with misapprehension and ideological disagreement during the 1950s. Public diplomacy provides a valuable context for examining these dynamics. This analysis assesses the planning, deployment, and reception of American public diplomacy to India under President Dwight Eisenhower, a period encompassing Washington’s 1954 alliance with Pakistan and economic aid to India in 1957–1958. Public diplomacy reflects the Administration’s difficulty in clarifying its interests in India. The rhetorical and moralising approach of India’s leadership, and their prominence in the global non-aligned movement, contributed greatly to this ambivalence. Public diplomacy planning highlights Washington’s difficulties in confronting India’s identity in world politics; it struggled to craft messages on racial attitudes, consumerism, and Communism, whilst Soviet public diplomacy gave strong competition throughout the period. At the same time, several aspects of American public diplomacy resonated with Indian audiences, indicating that there was the possibility of a closer American relationship with India had Washington taken a different high policy approach to the region.  相似文献   

11.
The frustration of non-nuclear weapon states about the lack of progress in nuclear disarmament has reached boiling point: a vast majority of them have supported a resolution in the UN General Assembly that establishes a negotiation forum for concluding a prohibition of nuclear weapons in 2017. Rising tension among the nuclear powers and populist movements feeding nationalist emotions make it unlikely that the situation will change for the better in the near future. It is thus possible that the NPT might be eroded or, in the worst case scenario, simply collapse because of diminishing support.  相似文献   

12.
Development research has been through many stages over the past few decades and during this time has experienced fluctuating appreciation by development practice. There is an increasing gap between different ways of doing development research. For some, the purpose of development research is primarily to influence policies, and in order to do this development research has to reframe its whole approach, language, and methodology. Others maintain that development research needs to distance itself, maintain an analytical and even critical approach towards development practice, and become an academic discipline in its own right.  相似文献   

13.
This article investigates the level of country ownership and inclusivity in Feed the Future (FtF) projects in Ethiopia, Ghana, Haiti, Senegal, and Tanzania. It finds that though interventions largely align with country-defined priorities and plans, other aspects of country ownership – consultation and provision of aid through local systems – are weaker than expected. Regarding inclusion, FtF is to some extent exclusive, perhaps as an unintended consequence of alignment with national development plans that do not reasonably promote equity. Focus is mostly on productive areas and ‘market-ready’ smallholders. The article suggests policy actions needed to better achieve expected results.  相似文献   

14.
The 7^th Sino-German Security Dialogue Seminar is focused on "China, Europe and a new world order". Our discussions should include the world order in general, as well as in-depth exchanges on specific issues in the area of international relations that both countries deem important. I want to get to the point directly by stating a basic point: although many factors in the international politics continue to change, as old challenges still exist and new challenges keep cropping up, there still remains a cornerstone for the world order, which is the Unites Nations. This is a starting point very close to the real politics: we must advance the international politics within current structure, and I would like to stress that such international politics must be international politics for peace.  相似文献   

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A series of latest reports made by international economic organizationsshow that although global economy in 2005 experienced a series of external impacts such as fierce turbulence of the energy market, attacksof natural disasters including Hurricanes Katr…  相似文献   

17.
The year of 2000 is at the turn of the century as well as of the millennium. Themankind waves farewell to the 20th century as well as the second millenniumand welcomes the 21st century and the third millennium. At this special juncture,looking closely at the future based on understanding which was obtained from re-viewing and summarizing the past and present world politics from historical andphilosophical standpoints, we can find that it has become an unavoidable subject onhow to regard the trend of the world pattern toward multi-polarization and respon-sibility adjustment arising from it.  相似文献   

18.
The world, entering a new year, still faces a complex and changeable situation, with new problems and phenomena emerging one after another. It is the common desire of the world people to maintain peace and promote development and cooperation. This is the …  相似文献   

19.
The important concept of building a "harmonious society", a "harmonious Asia" and a "harmonious world" initiated by President Hu Jintao is of great theoretical and practical significance as it constitutes the comprehensive guiding principle for China's domestic politics and external strategies, and establishes the goal and orientation China pursues in the changing international system.  相似文献   

20.
Traditional accounts of the disastrous World Disarmament Conference of 1932–34 have placed the blame for its failure on France. Recent historians have revised this picture by describing the internal and external constraints on French policymakers and by delineating the equally obstructive policies adopted by the Anglo-Saxon countries. This article outlines each of these approaches, but takes the defence of France one step further. By assessing the evolution of French policy at the World Disarmament Conference, the article demonstrates that France was prepared to make greater concessions for the sake of agreement than any other country.  相似文献   

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