Analysis of the E.U.'s Role in the U.S.Asia-Pacific Strategy

In recent times, the Europe-U.S. relationship has witnessed some new changes, as the United States has stepped up its enthusiasm towards the E.U., and the so-called U.S. ＂return to Europe＂ has attracted worldwide attention. Against such a backdrop, will the U.S. readjust its ＂rebalancing strategy＂ in the Asia-Pacific？ Is there any link between the U.S.＇s Asian-Pacific strategy and its ＂retuming to Europe＂？ If so, what does the U.S. expect Europe to do？ And what role will the E.U. play in the U.S. Asia-Pacific strategy？ These questions will form the main concerns of this paper.     

Sino-U.S. Relations in the New Century

On September 21, 2005, the Deputy Secretary of the United States Robert B. Zoellick in his speech at the National Committee on U.S.-China Relations pointed out that, the United States agrees that China is taking a peacefully developing path and it＇s a successful way of opening and joining the economic globalization that ＂＇no other newly emerged power has ever taken.＂ Zoellick emphasized that the United States should ＂encourage China to be a responsible stakeholder in the international system. ＂ If both the United States and China take the strategic interest into consideration, Zoellick＇s speech will definitely have positive impact on the Sino- U.S. relations ＇future.     

美国对中日关系的看法及政策

21世纪以来中日关系的曲折变化引人注目。作为在东亚地区拥有广泛利益、与中日两国同时保持着紧密联系的超级大国,美国一直密切关注着中日关系的演变。尽管美国内各界对相关议题的看法不一,但美国政府基于自身的战略考虑,一直执行着一套相对稳定的“中间偏右”政策,其核心是努力使中日关系维持适度紧张,以确保美国利益的最大化。即使最近以来中日关系有所改善,美国的这一政策也不会出现明显变化。     

有关美墨移民的几个问题

美国的墨西哥移民近20年来增长迅速,以致于对美国的经济、政治、文化生活造成了一定程度的冲击与挑战。美国政府对墨西哥移民的态度也从一开始的纵容、欢迎逐渐变为近期的排斥、抵制,但由于对移民成因和动机的错误认识,导致移民政策屡遭失败。美墨移民有着历史、文化、地缘等方面的独特性,这就决定单单依靠强硬的边界政策是无法根本解决问题的。要想趋利避害,有效解决美墨移民问题,就要对美墨移民的独特性有正确的认识,从而有针对性地制定出更加可行的移民政策。     

美国在伊拉克的困境

美国在伊拉克战后的重建进程中面临全面挑战:日趋恶化的伊拉克安全形势、美国一家独揽重建工作以及对伊开战的理由不足,使布什政府一筹莫展。美国所奉行的单边主义已陷入了前所未有的困境中。     

Managing the Unmanned Revolution in the U.S. Air Force

The success of unmanned aerial systems in Iraq and Afghanistan has engendered an expanding set of new missions for them. The main issue surrounding UAS today is not whether, but to what effect, these assets will be nurtured. The UAS’ operational requirements and technology have grown, but there remains no clear responsibility for overseeing development, and the service's manned and unmanned communities disagree on the legitimacy and effectiveness of UAS. If existing managerial challenges are not addressed, institutionalizing UAS will become mired in intense international, industrial, and inter-service competition; more complex operational requirements; less qualified volunteers; and greater morale problems and career uncertainty.     

美国能源供求及贸易状况综述

美国是世界第一大能源消费国，其能源消费量超过世界能源消费总量的20％，但美国能源储量有限，石油、天然气及煤等主要能源储量占世界的总储量均不超过3％。为了满足国内能源需求，美国不得不依赖进口，尤其是石油进口，其石油进口量大约占世界各国石油进口总量的近30％。因此，深入研究美国能源供求及贸易状况有助于了解全球能源的供求状况。     

Viewing U.S. in Comparison with the EU

To make an assessment of the changes in the trend of U. S. status in international politics and world economy, beside development and evolvement of the United States history, rise and fall of other nations should also be brought into consideration. At present and in the years to come, among the external powers that have the ability to compete with America, it seems the European Union (EU) is in the first place.……     

Reassessing U.S. Strategy in the Aftermath of the Korean War

This article examines the reassessment of U.S. strategy that Dwight D. Eisenhower directed after replacing Harry S. Truman in the White House in January 1953, as he worked to bring the Korean War to an end and then confronted the problems remaining in its aftermath. Despite much of the rhetoric of the early Eisenhower administration, the outcome of that reassessment fit more closely the objective of containment than key strategic formulations of its predecessor. Why was this so? How did the orientation apply to ending the war in Korea and sustaining the U.S. position there and elsewhere after the armistice? What insights, if any, do the process of reassessment and its outcome provide for the present? Answers to these questions serve to emphasize the dynamic and contingent nature of American strategy in the early Cold War and the importance of flexible, engaged leadership in the White House.     

后PNTR时代中美贸易争端中的美国国会因素

进入后PNTR时代 ,中美经贸关系在中美双边关系中所占比重日趋重要 ,在中美经贸关系日益紧密的同时 ,争端也日渐频繁。在美国大选年来临时 ,中美贸易争端成为美国国内关注的焦点。其中 ,美国国会扮演了重要的角色。国会利用各种手段对美国行政当局施加压力 ,影响美国对华贸易政策 ,对中美经贸关系起到了相当的负面作用。因此 ,中美贸易争端中的美国国会因素值得引起注意 ,并进行相关研究     

后冷战时代叙利亚与美国关系

冷战时期叙利亚与美国关系长期冷淡,海湾战争后叙美关系得到较大改善;九一一事件后,在美国发动的全球反恐怖主义战争中,叙美在如何界定恐怖主义和由谁主导反恐斗争的问题上存在严重分歧;叙利亚坚决反对美国军事打击伊拉克,但在美国的压力下给予了一定合作;伊拉克战争后,美国迫使叙利亚从黎巴嫩撤军,结束了“叙黎特殊关系”,叙利亚处境较为孤立;未来叙美关系仍将在合作中存在根本性分歧,但继续保持合作。     

美国亚太战略中的经济因素

金融危机以来,美国政府奉行的内外政策,既要利用和拓展新兴市场以重振本国经济,又要使新兴市场的发展不至于挑战美国的战略地位。在亚太战略中,尤以如何应对经济崛起的中国以利于美国的经济振兴,成为奥巴马政府最重要的经济考量。本文着重探究美国对亚洲的经济政策考虑和战略意图之间的相互影响。     

2011年美国外交面临的挑战

2011年国际局势中的许多事态对美国的中东外交政策形成新的挑战。西亚北非的动荡和变局可能导致中东地缘政治版图重新绘制,对美国未来的中东外交必将带来许多变数;美国一巴基斯坦之间发生的事态可能对奥巴马政府的反恐战略及南亚战略提出新的挑战;巴勒斯坦不顾美国阻挠申请加入联合国,使美国与穆斯林世界的关系面临新的考验。这些挑战今后有可能进一步发酵,对美国全球战略产生影响,其中包括对奥巴马政府＂-3前高调进行的“重返亚洲”形成牵制。     

Sino-U.S. Cooperation Potential in Afghanistan after the Withdrawal of U.S. Troops

The U.S is expected to withdraw all its combat troops from Afghanistan by the end of 2014. In order to ensure its smooth and timely evacuation and to guarantee stability in the country after the U.S. withdrawal, the United States has taken a series of measures, including pressing for the domestic political reconciliation process in Afghanistan, stepping up efforts to train the Afghan national army and police force, and promoting regional economic cooperation as represented by the ＂new silk road＂ program. As 2014 approaches, however,     

美国军事介入钓鱼岛将面临两难困境

2010年9月"钓鱼岛海域撞船事件"导致中日关系严重恶化,一度紧张.美国一面表示希望中日通过对话解决撞船事件;一面向日方承诺钓鱼岛适用于<美日安全条约>,在军事上加强美日合作.2010年末,日本制定新的防卫计划大纲,把防卫重点转向包括钓鱼岛的西南诸岛,并企图进一步借助美国牵制中国.综合各方因素看,未来如果美国在军事上卷入钓鱼岛争议,必将使美国面临两难的战略选择.     

20世纪60年代美国在拉美的反游击战政策

20世纪60年代,拉美大规模的游击运动被美国政府看作是民族主义和共产主义共同推动的结果,对美国在西半球的经济、安全和战略利益构成严重威胁。于是美国肯尼迪—约翰逊政府实行了一系列软硬兼施的反游击战政策,对拉美国家的亲美政权提供军事援助和军事训练,帮助其打击国内游击队势力,同时还出台了经济社会发展援助计划,以消除拉美游击运动的根源。这些政策虽然实现了打击拉美暴力革命的短期军事目标,但未能实现经济社会发展目标,反倒进一步激化了拉美人民的反美情绪。美国在拉美的反游击战政策反映了冷战双方在西半球的较量和势力格局变化。     

2008年美国大选形势分析

美国共和、民主两党围绕2008年大选展开了新一轮角逐。共和党拥有当政、竞选资金充裕等优势,但布什政府内外政策的失误导致共和党在选民中的威信大幅下降;民主党内部团结,政策有亲和力,但目前推出的候选人都缺乏令公众信服的政绩,也没有完整的治国方略。     

Understanding the Unilateralist Turn in U.S. Foreign Policy

How should we explain the recent unilateralist turn in U.S. foreign policy? Some accounts treat growing American unilateralism as a passing aberration attributable to the neoconservative ideology of the Bush administration. This paper, by contrast, traces U.S. unilateralism to the structural effects, at home and abroad, of the end of the Cold War. Internationally, the removal of the Soviet threat has undermined the "institutional bargain" that once guided relations between the U.S. and its major allies. Absent Cold War imperatives, the U.S. is less willing to provide collective goods through strong international institutions and other states are less likely to defer to U.S. demands for special privileges that exempt the U.S. from normal multilateral constraints. Domestically, the end of the Cold War has weakened the ability of presidents to resist the appeals of powerful veto players whose interests are threatened by multilateral commitments. These factors suggest that American unilateralism may have deeper roots and more staying power than many expect.     

Cross-Strait Relations since 1979 in the Context of the Sino-U.S.Bi-Structure

Cross-strait relations over the past 30 years can be divided into three different time periods,which correspond to changes in the Sino-U.S.bi-structure in terms of materialist structure and idealist structure.In other words,although changes in Taiwan itself have affected cross-strait relations they are subordinate to changes in the Sino-U.S.bi-structure.