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1.
When states in northern Nigeria started processes for implementing Sharia laws in 1999, it triggered sentiments all over the country. In Kaduna State, the proposal led to demonstrations and violent clashes. The article examines the ways in which different scales of politics are mutually constituted in the Sharia case and how the Sharia proposal subsequently resulted in clashes in Kaduna. It is argued that the Sharia initiative, even though it started as a sub-national question, was connected to a national power contestation. However, the federal government remained passive and diverted the issue to local political space. In Kaduna, the issue took dimensions that incurred with apprehensive local political contention that made it escalate into violence and polarising people according to religion. An analysis of the crisis in Kaduna is offered that does not regard the conflict as locally confined, but as inherently related to wider political and historical processes.  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT

Post independence President of Cameroon, Ahmadou Ahidjo, a Fulani, like his kith and kin in Northern Nigeria, was quite supportive of Nigeria in her war with the separatist Biafra. At the end of the war, he laboured to convince Nigeria to a boundary demarcation that would place Bakassi Peninsula firmly on the side of Cameroon. Nigeria as at 1975, ensured to remain grateful to an African country that helped her during the civil war. The show of gratitude from Nigeria triggered eventually, a bellicose relation with Cameroon. Though un-confessed, Nigeria was beset with several role conflicts in her border dispute with Cameroon, since the peninsula had been inhabited by Nigerians from the pre-colonial times. This paper examines the causes and manifestations of these conflicts. To do this, the role theory framework is used. It is revealed that Nigeria’s cognitive assertions were in conflict over her material interests on Bakassi Peninsula.  相似文献   

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In Uganda, contested relations between the central government and sub-national regions have, since independence, shaped state formation and national identity in fundamental ways. Today, the country is characterised by regionally uneven state presence, and distinct sub-national identities and ongoing contestation over territorial demarcations, loci of authority and political identities. This article explores the politics of territory, identity and authority in three Ugandan regions in this context, in order to analyse the implications for exclusion and conflict at the sub-national level. This involves struggles over the territorial and administrative demarcations of and within regions; the loci and scope of authority with regards to these units; struggles over access to land; and the (non-)recognition of various cultural–political identities in these regions.  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT

In Nigeria’s Niger Delta, oil pollution has significantly harmed the natural environment on which the local people in the Niger Delta depend for their livelihood and sustenance. The direct consequence of oil pollution is that it has led to multidimensional and protracted conflicts in oil-bearing communities. Drawing on fieldwork data, this article examines the ways in which oil pollution harms water resources and fuels conflicts in the local communities. It explores the socio-economic dynamics of the conflicts and insecurity, and how they are aggravated by the ineffectiveness of the measures adopted by the state to manage the conflicts. It argues that the role of local actors in the ecological dislocation have been downplayed and not factored into the measures devised to tackle the intractable conflicts. This article demonstrates how the network of interactions among localised, national and globalised actors aggravate environmental pollution and the complex conflicts in local communities.  相似文献   

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Konings  Piet 《African affairs》2005,104(415):275-301
Recent studies of African boundaries have tended to focus eitheron the growing number of border disputes between states or onfrontier regions that are said to offer local inhabitants awide range of economic opportunities. This article attemptsto combine both approaches and to demonstrate the ambiguousnature of the Anglophone Cameroon-Nigeria border. On the onehand, the border has been subject to regular skirmishes betweenCameroon and Nigeria, culminating in a protracted war over thesovereignty of the Bakassi peninsula — an area rich inoil reserves. On the other hand, it has for historical and economicreasons never constituted a real barrier to cross-border movementsof labour and goods. The large Nigerian migrant community inAnglophone Cameroon, in particular, has been able to benefitfrom formal and informal cross-border trade for a long time.Unsurprisingly, its dominant position in the host community'scommercial sector has been a continuous source of conflict.  相似文献   

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In this article we critically analyse the production of Israeli territory vis a vis the ongoing transformation of land and planning policies from ones based on pure nationalism to those purporting neo-liberal logic. Unlike the existing literature ? including the most recent critical body of knowledge on planning, resource management and public policy in Israel ? we contend that this transformation must be understood within the framework of settler colonialism. Our main argument is that the growing dominance of neo-liberal policies, expressed in the form of new public management, privatization of space, planning and territorial management, is bound up with Israel’s settler-colonial politics. Based on our detailed study of the dynamics of the privatization of space in Israel, we conceptualize the interplay between centralistic-national territorial management and new public management, free market-driven, privatization-prone, liberal planning and land policies as neo-settler colonialism. This concept focuses on the symbiotic relationships between these two vectors, with the latter providing a new mechanism of colonial control.  相似文献   

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Hassan A. Saliu 《圆桌》2018,107(3):291-305
Commitment to Africa has become a permanent policy of the Nigerian state. Yet, critics have expressed reservations about the worthiness of the policy. While their arguments appear strong, they do not provide adequate grounds to justify a reconsideration of the policy. Nigeria’s quest for dominance has always informed the country’s designation of Africa as a primary sphere of interest. To achieve this goal, altruism has become a defining attribute of Nigeria’s African diplomacy, thereby validating the theoretical overlap between hegemony and altruism. If Nigeria’s altruistic and subtle diplomacy has failed to translate into diplomatic ascendance in Africa as some observers have argued, then it is not because the policy is ignoble; the problem lies elsewhere. The paper contends that the question has more to do with the manner in which Nigeria has managed the domestic environment of its African policy over the years. Relying on data generated through the secondary method and key-informant interview, as well as the interpretive method of qualitative data analysis, this piece examines the planks upon which the policy is built, explains the complexities involved in its pursuit, and then constructs arguments in favour of the policy.  相似文献   

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The terrorist group Boko Haram, or the self-described People of the Tradition of the Prophet (SAW) for Preaching and Striving, continues to terrorise Nigeria, with horrible consequences. Clearly, study of the problem cannot be disconnected from the complex nature of Boko Haram itself, considering the group's unclear agenda and its shadowy sponsors — internal or external. A key question regarding the nature of Boko Haram is whether it has a transnational dimension or not. This paper examines the nature of Boko Haram terrorism in Nigeria. It argues that Boko Haram's terrorism does indeed have a transnational dimension, demonstrating that its agenda and targets transcend Nigeria, and that there are international links to the operations of Boko Haram. Given this international dimension, what concerns does Boko Haram generate for countries outside Nigeria, and what are their responses to the group's continued acts of terrorism? This analysis is contextualised within the charged debate on the definition of terrorism and the modern trend of religious terrorism in the international arena.  相似文献   

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Is multiculturalism the best way to deal with diversity in an emerging but divided (African) nation-state? Is multiculturalism antithetical to nation-building and mutual recognition of equal value among different ethnic-nationalities within African polities? These were some of the most fundamental questions that Nigeria’s ethno-regional political parties and their leaders confronted in the decolonisation period. Analysing different ethno-regional approaches to the challenges of political unity and nationalism in late colonial Nigeria, this article shows how the adoption of a federal system of government designed to encourage ‘interactive pluralism’ ended up promoting ‘fragmented pluralism’.  相似文献   

15.
Afghan tribes and local communities have been exposed to foreign patronage since at least the 19th century, but the scale of patronage relative to Afghanistan's internal economy increased dramatically after the late 1970s. Inevitably, this had a major impact on Afghanistan's own internal dynamics and on the mechanisms of political legitimisation. This article focuses on the province of Kandahar, which occupies a privileged space in Afghan politics and history, having given origin to almost all of the country's ruling elites. It deals with three groups of tribal strongmen, who tried to use tribally based patronage systems to stake a claim to local power.  相似文献   

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As Nigeria marked its centennial in 2014, violent sectarianism pried open a historical debate about whether ‘amalgamation’ of the country's two former regions by British authorities in 1914 was a ‘mistake’. Even before independence, however, self-interested nationalism restrained self-interested regionalism, sustaining unification. I argue that a ‘parallel institutionalism’ has ever since mediated the nation's heterogeneity through two different visions of representation. A long pause in state creation, a reduction in the Effective Number of Parties, and declining relevance of a pact that facilitated the 1999 democratic transition have revealed latent tensions in the status of multicultural institutionalism and strengthened liberal institutionalism. I then analyse how demographic, economic, and migratory trends are slowly transforming the structure of representation, placing dilemmas of parallel institutionalism at the centre of future nationhood. Additional research could explore a natural experiment between the northeast, which is facing an Islamic insurgency, and the northwest, which is not.  相似文献   

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