The “New India” Vision and the Building of a Closer China-India Partnership

The“New India”vision,the administrative goal proposed by Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi in his first term of office,has blossomed into a great-power strategy for India’s rise.Implementation of the strategy will not only bring about changes in India and in India’s relationship with the outside world,but also influence,indeed reshape,China-India relations.     

中国与印度：合作伙伴还是竞争对手？

中印关系在21世纪进入了全面合作的新阶段并提升到了面向和平与繁荣的战略合作伙伴关系的新水平,迎来了＂印中新兄弟＂（Hindi-Chini New Bhai Bhai）或＂中印大同＂（CHINDIA）的新时期。在中印关系新的历史发展阶段,中印两国如何看待对方？如何定位两国关系？这是摆在中印两国面前值得思考的重大课题。本文就中印两国学界和媒体的种种观点做了系统梳理,以期对当今中印关系有一个全面客观的认识。     

中印关系中机制化建设的必要性与可能性

本文从国际机制的功能入手，认为中印关系的机制化建设能够促进双方在各层次、各领域的合作，有效解决双方出现的各种纠纷，并培养起两国的共有观念，因此具有必要性。此外，从中印两国关系的现状来看，随着两国关系的深入发展、相互依赖的加深、共同利益的扩展、印巴关系的好转、美国因素的有限性以及中国与其他国家关系机制化建设经验的借鉴，使中印关系的机制化建设具备了实现的可能性。中印两国政治家应当抓住机遇，从战略高度认知并推动中印关系中的机制化建设。     

中印商品贸易走势分析及对策建议

受国际金融危机引起的全球经济衰退的影响,短期内中印商品贸易处于下滑和恢复增长阶段。受目前中印商品贸易规模、印度对进口中国商品心存疑虑以及中印商品贸易严重不平衡等因素的影响和限制,中期甚至更长时间内,中印商品贸易将进入平缓增长期。为保持中印商品贸易持续增长,中印双方有必要采取一些相应措施。     

试析南方丝绸之路在中印关系中的作用

南方丝绸之路从古至今在推动中国西南地区与周边国家，特别是中印关系发展的过程中都扮演着十分重要的角色，它不仅为中印两国的经济发展和文化繁荣作出了巨大贡献，而且为中印两国的民族解放事业中立下了不朽功勋。进入二十一世纪以来，这条连接中国西部与南亚的国际大通道正在继续为推动中印关系发展和中国实施新一轮西部大开发战略发挥着越来越大的作用。重振“南方丝绸之路”，让这条古老的大国际通道重振昔日雄风，对中印两国都具有十分重要的现实意义和历史意义。     

中印贸易关系的国际政治经济学分析

国际政治经济学为我们理解国际贸易提供了一个清晰简易的视角,通过这一视角,我们能够更好地理解国际贸易理论,并在此指导下更好地分析国际社会上的贸易行为。中国和印度的贸易额迅速增长,是对方增长速度最快的贸易伙伴之一。两国的产业结构既存在互补的方面,也存在竞争的一面。本文试通过国际政治经济学视角下的国际贸易理论,从影响两国贸易关系的经济和政治两方面的因素对中印贸易关系进行分析。     

中印关系的新趋势与新挑战（英文）

While frequent high-level interactions and policy communication have provided stability in China-India relations, the involvement of third parties and changes in India's China policy are eroding the steady development of ties. Coping with a more pragmatic and increasingly self-confident India under Prime Minister Modi will be a test of China's strategic composure and wisdom.     

中印关系的发展历程及前景展望

今年是中印建交60周年。期间两国关系经历了顺利发展、曲折起伏和风雨过后见彩虹的不同阶段,总的来说,友好合作是主流。中印作为两个强劲崛起的新兴大国,相互关系的稳定良性发展不仅符合两国人民的共同利益,而且有利于亚洲乃至全世界的和平与繁荣,有着广阔的前景。     

试论1954年中印总理、中缅总理的互访

朝鲜战争结束后,美国极力拉拢中国周边的亚洲国家组建针对中国的包围圈,为了应对这一情况,中国提出了建立“国际和平统一战线”的外交战略,1954年中印、中缅两国总理互访就是落实“国际和平统一战线”政策的重大举措。在互访过程中,中印、中缅共同提出了和平共处五项原则,中国领导人着力消除了印度、缅甸在华人华侨、边界问题、亚洲国家共产党以及中美关系等问题上的疑虑和担心,从而促进了中印、中缅两国关系,巩固了亚洲国家的中立倾向,为亚非会议的召开奠定了良好的基础。     

波兰加入北约对波俄关系的影响

波兰加入北约使波兰从原来苏联对抗西方的防御区，变成了西方遏制俄罗斯的前沿，使波俄双边依存关系消失、地区安全战略相左、敌对情绪增加，对波俄双边关系的发展造成了一定的负面影响。但是作为地缘近邻国家，尽管波兰把自身安全托付给北约，但也须改善同俄罗斯的关系；虽然俄罗斯对波兰加入北约深感恼怒，但也只好接受现实，希望通过发展与波兰等北约新成员的关系加强俄罗斯在这一地区的影响，改善西部安全环境。同时，波兰加入北约，无疑使波俄关系受到美国以及北约同俄罗斯关系的影响，增加了双边关系的不确定因素。     

On the front lines of democracy: perceptions of electoral officials and democratic elections

Electoral officials play a crucial role in instilling confidence in elections and democracy. They are involved in the most important tasks of running elections, from registering voters to counting the ballots. This article employs survey data from 35 countries from the sixth wave of the World Values Survey (2010–2014) which asks respondents about their perceptions of electoral integrity and the quality of democracy in their country. The analysis demonstrates the relationship between perceptions of the fairness of electoral officials and two important outcomes: confidence in the fairness of the vote count, and perceptions of the overall quality of democracy. It additionally considers under which circumstances this relationship is most pronounced and shows that the relationship between an individual’s perceptions of electoral officials and perceptions of electoral integrity is more pronounced in countries where there is a low liberal democracy index.     

从外交部解密档案看中缅关系中的华侨问题

中缅建交后,受地缘因素影响,缅甸一直担心中国危及其国家安全,中国则力图将缅甸作为突破西方战略包围的突破口。20世纪50年代中缅关系中的华侨问题即是在这一大框架下演变发展的。1954年周恩来访缅后,双边关系发展迅速。随后,中方为消除缅方在华侨问题上的疑虑,在华侨国籍问题、华侨政治、经济作用、与缅人关系问题上进行了一系列努力,使华侨问题没有成为制约当时双边关系发展的障碍。     

The association between Ugandan adolescents’ viewing of specific television genres and sex-related normative beliefs and behaviours

Growing evidence in Western nations indicates that exposure to high levels of sexual media content influences adolescents’ sexual attitudes and behaviours in those countries. Although media in many sub-Saharan markets contain increasingly higher levels of sexual content, little research has investigated the effects of that content on adolescents’ HIV-related risk and protective behaviours. This project used cultivation theory to examine Ugandan adolescents’ media use, and to test the relationship between their exposure to specific television genres and their sex-related normative beliefs and behaviours. Three hundred and sixty secondary school students from four purposively sampled schools filled out a questionnaire about their television viewing, their beliefs about the prevalence of sexual intercourse among their peers, and their own sexual behaviours. Preliminary evidence of relationships between watching comedy and cartoon programming, and high estimates of the proportion of adolescents who engage in sexual intercourse, were observed. Watching comedy programming and non- African programming was associated with the higher likelihood to have ever had sexual intercourse.     

The effects of uncertainty and sex in a crisis simulation game

We conducted an experimental test of spiraling behavior, sex differences, and uncertainty in a simulated crisis situation. We investigated the relationship between weapons acquisition and the likelihood of engaging in aggressive behavior, such as going to war. The sample included 100 male and female subjects who participated in a crisis simulation in same‐sex dyads; each student was instructed to role play the leader of a country in conflict with another leader over a nearby island replete with newly discovered oil resources. Participants were randomly assigned to stimulus materials that manipulated the certainty of the information they received about their partner's force structure. In four cycles of decision‐making, each participant made procurement decisions, took an action related to the conflict, including decisions about going to war, completed questionnaires on characteristics such as the hostility and trustworthiness of themselves and their opponents, and wrote messages to the other member of the pair. The results of the study demonstrate a strong relationship between weapons acquisition and hostility. In addition, we found large and robust sex differences, showing that men are much more likely than women to acquire weapons and engage in aggressive behavior at every stage. There was no effect of uncertainty on either arms procurement or aggression.     

Development in motion: what to think about migration?

Recent interest in migrant remittances as a development resource calls attention to a deeper issue: the relationship between migration and development. Remittances may be a significant source of economic inflows to poor countries and regions, but their actual development impact (positive or negative) is tied to the migration processes that generate them. Attention to migration in turn creates an opportunity to think about the broader context of development policy and practice, and to re-think the boundaries that we put around our work.     

Flip-Flops and High Heels: An Experimental Analysis of Elite Position Change and Gender on Wartime Public Support

We address whether politicians’ flip-flopping on support for a war is damaging to their electoral fortunes, and if the gender of the politician has a conditioning effect on this relationship. A series of survey experiments, conducted in 2010 and designed specifically for this project, allows us to examine the causal power of these two cues. Our results challenge the conventional wisdom: respondents do not fault leaders who change their minds about a conflict, and importantly, this effect holds irrespective of the gender of the politician. Instead, individuals react to the policy position the politician currently holds on a war regardless of the politician's consistency and gender.     

A critical evaluation of the Downs-Hazen instrument (CSQ) by measuring employee communication satisfaction at a private higher education institution in South Africa

Abstract

The aim of this article is to provide a critical evaluation of the Downs-Hazen instrument (Communication Satisfaction Questionnaire) (CSQ) by applying it to the measurement of employee communication satisfaction at a private higher education institution in South Africa. Three communication satisfaction dimensions, consisting of eight constructs, were measured. The results indicated that although employees are satisfied with their relationship with superiors, a need exists for improved communication on the psychological atmosphere in the organisation; the information employees receive about their immediate work environments, meetings and written directives; horizontal and informal communication that is accurate and free flowing; information about the organisation as a whole; as well as the way in which employees are being judged and appraised.

A final conclusion is that the Downs-Hazen CSQ is still applicable even though it was first developed almost 30 years ago. Furthermore, the adjustments to items in this study did not affect the reliability of the adapted questionnaire.     

Institutional divergence and convergence in the Asia-Pacific? ASEAN in practice and in theory

This paper gives attention to the geopolitics related to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) as an alternative model of regionalism in theory and practice. Offering a rough periodization of ASEAN in IR theory, it considers interacting theoretical and empirical developments, and their geopolitics as one way to think about, first, ASEAN, its defining dynamics and processes of change, and, second, ASEAN's relationship to a larger IR theory literature defined by US preoccupations and the institutional trajectory of the European Union. Three periods are considered: a Cold War period, when ASEAN norms and practices developed relatively insulated from great power expectations and theorizing about ASEAN was minimal; the 1990s, when constructivist theorizing encouraged new thinking about alternative institutional models; and the 2000s, a period characterized by correlating great power pressures and a ‘functional’ turn in academic and theoretical debates about ASEAN. Special attention is given to the United States as a major, leading actor in both world politics and the institutionalization of international relations as a discipline, as well as the possibilities and constraints of institutional divergence in theory and practice.     

Confrontations on the Issue of Terrorism Between Iran and the U.S. after 1979

The issue of terrorism has been a significant source of influence on the relationship between Iran and the U.S. since the Islamic Revolution. Iran's friendship with extremist groups that are designated as terrorist groups by the U.S. State Department is seriously challenging America's foreign policy. This article attempts to explore the prospect of confrontations on the issue of terrorism between Iran and the U.S. through a detailed analysis of their different interpretations and mutual recognitions of terrorism and through an in-depth analysis of the measures each party has taken regarding this confrontation. This article argues that the confrontation between Iran and the U.S. regarding the issue of terrorism is not strictly about terrorism. Rather, it is also about the conflicts of policies that result from different security interests and political values. Resolving the issue of terrorism depends on the reconciliation of the relationship between Iran and the U.S. Without mutual trust between the two nations, Iran will continue to support extremist groups in order to increase its influence against the external and internal pressures it is currently under, and the U.S. will continue to contain Iran's regional ambitions and seek changes in its behavior.