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1.
ABSTRACT

The liberal international economic and political order which the United States created from the ashes of World War II and has since led is in trouble. To United States President Donald Trump, the order which provided the framework under which sovereign states agreed to follow a rules-based system of economic and political cooperation and shared multilateral governance, has not only allowed other nations (in particular, China) to take advantage of US ‘magnanimity’, but also weakened the United States economically, while asymmetric alliances compromised its military advantages. Given the sustained assault this cosmopolitan order is facing, many fear that it may not survive if Trump is re-elected in November 2020. Indeed, if the United States response to the COVID-19 pandemic is any guide, an ‘America First’ agenda, especially a hard-line approach to China, will shape US policy if Trump wins a second term.  相似文献   

2.
    
ABSTRACT

When a new President is elected in the United States, the first thing analysts do is define that President’s grand strategy; yet, naming Donald Trump’s grand strategy was a difficult task as his pre-election speeches often contradicted traditional US foreign policy norms. Trump’s ambiguous grand strategy combines two US foreign policy strategies: nationalism in the sense that his preference is for unilateral policies prioritising American interests, and a traditional foreign policy approach, as seen in the moves taken against China and Iran. Surprisingly, this grand strategy unintentionally contributes to cooperation in Eurasia, as actors like Russia, China, Turkey, India and the European Union continue to try to balance the threat from the United States instead of competing with each other, while smaller countries are reluctant to challenge the regional powers due to mistrust towards Trump.  相似文献   

3.
American foreign strategy has had strong continuity since World War Ⅱ despite differences among successive presidents.Donald Trump's 2016 presidential campaign revealed ideas and goals for US strategy and strategy adjustment that differ significantly from those of predecessors.The decline in relative gains and rise in cost for US involvement in globalization are reasons for Trump to redirect US foreign strategy.The relative decrease of both US trade and foreign direct investment in the US,amid security threats and the identity crisis of the American people,has tremendously increased the pricetag for US involvement in globalization.  相似文献   

4.
语言政策是语言学的一个重要组成部分,对政治、文化以及人类社会的一切活动有着极大的影响。本文拟对历史上和当今越南的语言政策进行探讨,剖析其语言政策的嬗变以及越南语言政策实施过程中的经验和教训。  相似文献   

5.
试析乌克兰语言政策的去俄罗斯化   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
独立后,乌克兰历届政府均实施了“去俄罗斯化”语言政策,主要表现在通过语言立法降低俄语地位、缩小俄语使用范围以及改造乌语等方面。究其原因,乌当局将打压俄语作为矫正历史上语言强权的工具、缓解国家认同危机的途径以及乌俄关系中外交博弈的手段。由于乌境内俄语居民众多、俄语地位在乌俄关系中扮演重要角色、语言政策受到国际组织监察等因素的影响,乌克兰未来语言政策的去俄罗斯化将不会有更大的发展空间。  相似文献   

6.
特朗普政府推出“印太战略构想”是为了应对世界大变局,替代奥巴马政府“亚太再平衡”战略和保持有利于美国的地区战略平衡。其主要特点包括:在“有原则的现实主义”和“美国优先的国家安全战略”指导下,加强印太地区联盟和伙伴体系;构建“美日澳印四边形安全合作机制”;形成有利于美国的印太地区经济关系。特朗普政府“印太战略构想”将增加美国联盟体系的内在矛盾;美日澳印四边形安全机制面临印度弱角问题;“印太战略构想”目标与财政资源不相称;战略目标之间自相矛盾。特朗普政府“印太战略构想”将进一步增加中美关系的复杂性和竞争性;向美国的盟国和伙伴国发出错误信号;有利于日本加强自身军事实力和扩张海权势力范围。  相似文献   

7.
In this article, I mine President Donald Trump’s considerable writing and speaking record to synthesize the key elements of his deal‐making approach to help make better sense of his rhetoric and actions on the world’s diplomatic stage. My argument is that Trump’s coercive negotiation style is best understood through the prism of his four public roles: observer, performer, controller, and disrupter. In this article, I analyze how these roles translate into his negotiating behavior. Spotting and exploiting vulnerability is his trade; leverage and bravado are his tools. After assessing the opposing side, Trump uses leverage to threaten his counterparts’ weaknesses, while using bravado to play up the advantages of reaching an agreement on his terms. This way, he presents a drastic structured choice to his opponents, leaving them the least maneuvering space. In the final section of the paper, I illustrate how the four‐role framework helps explain Trump’s decisions in the nuclear negotiations with North Korean leader Kim Jong Un. I also consider opportunities for further research.  相似文献   

8.
汪波 《国际观察》2006,13(4):60-66
伊拉克在战争结束两年多后,终于在2005年底举行了大选.但大选的举行并不意味着伊拉克的政治重建已经取得成功.伊拉克各政党和宗派之间难以调和的矛盾至今依然存在,大量非国家武装势力对社会生活的干预和威胁,使得伊拉克还远未能恢复社会的秩序和稳定,更不用说开始正式的民主化进程.而造成这种状况的一个重要原因,就是美国在伊拉克战后政治重建中的一系列政策失误,其中涉及维护伊拉克战后的社会秩序和稳定,建立民主政治的社会基础,开展地方选举和选举制度的选择以及处理民间武装和武装叛乱等一系列问题.  相似文献   

9.
Geographically,India is not a country in the region of the South China Sea,nor is it a country concerned in the issue on a geopolitical level or a US ally in the Asia-Pacific region.It has been very cautious to avoid taking sides in the South China Sea issue.However,since Modi took office in 2014,changes have taken place in the external environment that India faces,in maritime safety strategy,as well as in India's policies toward the US and China.India is becoming increasingly active in the issue of the South China Sea,voicing criticism and taking precautions against China.While India's policy on the South China Sea will not be completely the same as that of the United States and Japan,due to concerns for its own interests in the future,it is quite possible that India will take advantage of the issue of the South China Sea and will adopt more comprehensive ways to get involved in the issue.  相似文献   

10.
A new awareness of the role of religion in international relations has started to inform concrete policy discussions in several Western Ministries of Foreign Affairs under the heading of ‘religious engagement’ in foreign policy. Italy is no exception, but as the country which hosts the Holy See, it represents a special case. As the approach to religion found in the historical record of Italian foreign policy shows, Italy has a comparative advantage and could well develop a unique model of religious engagement by strengthening the central structures involved in religious matters and foreign policy, as well as by using the vast network of Rome-based religious non-state actors as a forum of consultation and policy advice.  相似文献   

11.
吉林省民营科技企业发展滞后的法律政策因素分析   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
潘石 《东北亚论坛》2011,20(2):117-122
在全国民营科技企业发展中,吉林省是相对滞后的,其原因固然是多方面的,但立法偏严、政策偏紧无疑是两个非常重要的深层因素。吉林省不仅在民营科技企业主体资格与市场准入的法律认定上偏严,而且在政策扶持与支持上也存在执行偏紧,不到位、力度小、实效差的状况。加快吉林省民营科技企业的发展,必须改变立法偏紧、政策偏紧的局面,为民营科技企业快速发展创造宽松的法律与政策环境。  相似文献   

12.
按照中俄《瑷珲条约》和中俄《北京条约》,中国黑龙江以北、乌苏里江以东百万平方公里的土地正式划归俄国。此后,虽然俄国政府实行了一系列鼓励移民迁居此地的优惠政策,但迁居这一地区的农业移民的数量并不大。因此,俄国当局最初被迫对无论是居住在这一地区的中国人,还是从邻国新流入的人都采取了暂时的宽容策略。  相似文献   

13.
徐博  仲芮 《东北亚论坛》2022,31(1):36-48
气候变化议题在今天的全球治理中居于核心地位。俄罗斯的气候政策对于全球气候变化合作的开展有着非常重要的影响。"气候实用主义"是当前俄罗斯气候政策选择的核心。本文分析了近年来俄罗斯"气候实用主义"的内涵特征、政策特点、选择动因以及造成的影响。本文指出价值观、经济发展模式以及国际体系中的地位是决定俄罗斯实用主义气候政策选择的三个关键变量。这些变量通过观念、利益和身份的路径影响了俄罗斯气候政策的理念框架、国内偏好以及国际合作参与。对于气候变化起源的"怀疑论"、对碳氢能源企业的重点保护,通过气候政策对内增强治理合法性,吸引投资和技术以缓解美欧制裁是当前俄政府实用主义气候政策的突出特点。俄罗斯的这种气候政策为国际气候变化合作的加强提供了新动力,也为中俄区域合作开辟了新领域。但却难以弥合俄罗斯与美欧在气候变化问题上的根本分歧,也不会对俄罗斯依赖能源经济的发展模式造成实质影响。  相似文献   

14.
本文通过分析新加坡政府公共住房政策和人口控制政策的实施背景、过程和最终结果,探讨影响政府公共政策有效执行的因素.  相似文献   

15.
朝鲜外交政策的基本目标是通过外交手段为确保国家生存权利、巩固和扩大国家生存空间创造条件。朝鲜总体外交战略是两轴战略,基本外交战略是先军战略,安保外交战略是均衡战略加搭便车战略,对南外交战略是民族共助加追求经济实利战略,对外经济合作战略是有限制的开放战略。朝美核危机最终通过和平解决的可能性还是大于通过其他方式解决的可能性。美伊战争的进程和结果将对朝美关系产生重大影响。  相似文献   

16.
17.
In recent years, more than 40 articles and chapters have utilized Poliheuristic Theory to analyze critical decisions made by foreign leaders and U.S. presidents. In this paper, I introduce the Poliheuristic Procedure—a series of steps that one can use to explain or predict decisions by world leaders. Subsequent articles in this Symposium present examples of poliheuristic analyses of decisions made by Presidents Carter, Clinton, Gorbachev, Mussaref and Saddam Hussein. These case studies provide strong support for Poliheuristic Theory: leaders use a two-stage process in making decisions: they first use simple heuristics to eliminate alternatives based on the avoid-major-political-loss principle, and then use more analytic calculations in selecting an alternative from a subset of surviving alternatives.  相似文献   

18.
克林顿政府初期处于对华政策的十字路口。冷战结束,美国全面调整对外政策,把经济放到对外战略的首位,知识产权问题凸现。而对华政策背离这一主旨,把人权作为首要目标,并与最惠国待遇问题挂钩。这种矛盾决定其必然改弦更张。以经贸为立足点的接触政策的确立,使知识产权问题再次回到中美关系的中心,美国经历了对华政策的一次重要转折。  相似文献   

19.
信息化进程中国际体系与秩序特征探析   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
人类文明正在从工业化社会迈向信息化社会,世界各国立足于不同的国情,秉持迥异的发展理念与施政方略,在国际舞台上共同演奏了民族国家竞争角逐、合作互惠、兴衰失衡并存的交响曲,共同造就了当代国际战略格局与世界秩序的全新态势.美国作为信息化浪潮的发源地与最为积极踊跃的推动者,赢得了信息化时代全球博弈的最大红利,依托厚重的经济基础和强大的军事实力,成为短期内难以逾越的单极霸权;而其他从两极格局中分离出来的诸强国以及为信息化、全球化浪潮所催生的多种国际行为体在把握机遇、发展实力、蓄势待发的同时,也于不同的领域与层次上对美国霸权形成一定的平衡与制约.单极主导、多元并存无疑成为步入信息化时代之初国际政治体系最显著的标志,但随着信息化浪潮在深度与广度上进一步拓展,在飞跃与调整的交替中不断前行,世界格局多极化、国际关系民主化、国际社会行为体多元化、从传统的"国家间政治"向世界政治乃至"全球政治"转变等趋势初现端倪,作为未来世界的可能性蓝图正逐渐呈现于世人眼前.从美国全球扩张战略的周期看,从20世纪80年代以来经过近30年持续的攻势态势,已经呈现出疲惫的征兆,在次贷危机和金融危机的影响下,美国很可能要进入一个战略休整期,美国在国际体系中的主导地位也将受到一定程度的削弱.  相似文献   

20.
俄罗斯及其他国家的反贫困政策   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
贫困是一种经济社会现象。不同国家贫困现象产生的原因和贫困人口的构成存在差异。降低贫困水平的政策很大程度上取决于国家的经济社会发展。要解决贫困问题,必须制定和完善宏观经济政策,保持经济稳步持续增长,建立平等的社会保障和社会救助体系,形成有效的监测机制,同时国家须积极参与反贫困过程。  相似文献   

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