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1.
各位专家,各位朋友:大家好!很高兴与各位专家学者再次相聚,共同盘点今年的国际形势与中国外交。首先,我要对大家长期以来对外交工作的关心支持表示感谢,也真诚欢迎大家继续为中国外交提出真知灼见。纵观2021年世界形势,全球疫情跌宕蔓延,百年变局加速演进,世界进入动荡变革期。  相似文献   

2.
人民日报记者:请问1999年我国外交工作取得了哪些成就,同时,如何规划今年的外交工作? 唐家璇答:1999年是冷战结束以后国际形势变化最剧烈的一年,中国的外交工作经历了一系列严峻的挑战,取得了重要的成就。概括说  相似文献   

3.
今年是中国改革开放30周年,过去30年是中国阔步前进的30年,也是中国外交大发展的30年。在过去30年里,我在绝大多数时间都处在外交一线,亲历了中国外交的大发展。回顾中国外交的30年,我想是否可以用3句话来概括:形势大变化,政策大调整,外交大发展。  相似文献   

4.
今年是中国外交十分独特的一年。一方面,中国在和平发展战略的指引下继续推行全方位外交,特别是去年以来,以首脑外交、峰会外交和世博外交为重点开展了大量富有成效的工作,展现出中国负责任、谋合作、共命运的良好大国形象;另一方面,中国外部环境的复杂性和不可控性大大上升。  相似文献   

5.
非洲行日志     
<正>重视做非洲国家工作、不断加强同非洲国家的友好合作是中国外交的优秀传统,也是中国和平外交的突出特点。1988年钱其琛先生任中国外交部长后,中国外长新年伊始以访问非洲开启一年外交工作的传统延续迄今。今年1月10日至20日,中国外长李肇星正式访问佛得角、塞内加尔、利比里亚、马里、尼日利亚和利比亚。一路走过,耳目一新。  相似文献   

6.
各位专家,各位朋友:大家好!在岁末年初之际,很高兴和大家再次相聚。今年是国际形势与中国外交研讨会举办30周年。30年来,研讨会见证了国际形势的风云变幻,亲历了中国外交走过的不平凡历程。在各位专家学者的积极参与和大力支持下,研讨会已成为交流讨论国际形势和中国外交的重要平台,在国内外拥有越来越大的影响力,也为我国的外交工作提供了许多有价值的意见和建议。在此,我首先要向在场的所有专家学者们表示衷心的感谢!  相似文献   

7.
非洲行日志     
<正>重视做非洲国家工作、不断加强同非洲国家的友好合作是中国外交的优秀传统,也是中国和平外交的突出特点。1988年钱其琛先生任中国外交部长后,中国外长在新年伊始以访问非洲开启一年外交工作的传统延续迄今。今年1月10日至20日,中国外长李肇星正式访问佛得角、塞内加尔、利比里亚、马里、尼日利亚和利比亚。一路走过,耳目一新。  相似文献   

8.
非洲行日志     
<正>重视做非洲国家工作、不断加强同非洲国家的友好合作是中国外交的优秀传统,也是中国和平外交的突出特点。1988年钱其琛先生任中国外交部长后,中国外长新年伊始以访问非洲开启一年外交工作的传统延续迄今。今年1月10日至20日,中国外长李肇星正式访问佛得角、塞内加尔、利比里亚、马里、尼日利亚和利比亚。一路走过,耳目一新。  相似文献   

9.
正博鳌亚洲论坛自2001年成立以来,规模和影响力不断扩大,已成为我国主场外交和服务"一带一路"建设的重要平台。今年是博鳌亚洲论坛成立20周年,又恰逢习近平总书记发表"4·13"重要讲话3周年,在这个特殊的时间节点,办好2021年的论坛年会意义更加重大、影响更加深远,既是常态化疫情防控形势下我国首场主场外交活动,有利于进一步扩大博鳌亚洲论坛影响力、展示中国特色大国外交风范,也是海南全面深化改革开放、加快推进中国特色自贸港建设的重要契机、关键助力,有利于加强海南与世界的双向交流了解、促成更多深度合作。  相似文献   

10.
《友声》1999,(1)
问:今年,我国的外交工作取得了巨大成就,作为官方外交重要补充的民间外交也做出了应有的贡献,请您介绍一下友协今年的工作情况。 答:我国领导人十分注重做外国友人的工作,今年以来,我国领导人接见我会接待的外宾达70多次,这对民间友好事业是极大的推动和促进。一年来,对外友协在邓小平理论和十五大精神指引下,不断开拓民间外交工作新局面,在配合官方外交、广交朋友、为经济合作服务、友好城市工作和民间文化交流等方面  相似文献   

11.
Entering the twenty-first century, particularly under the reign of Hu Jintao, China began to pursue an increasingly pro-active diplomacy in Africa. Most analysis on China's offensive diplomacy in Africa focuses on Beijing's thirst for energy and raw materials, and for economic profits and benefits. That is why it is often called ‘energy diplomacy’ or ‘economic diplomacy’ as if China, just like Japan in the 1980s, became another ‘economic animal’. But if one looks at the history of the PRC's foreign policy, Beijing has seldom pursued its diplomacy from purely economic considerations. Is this time any different? This article exams China's diplomacy in Africa from a strategic and political perspective such as its geo-strategic calculations, political and security ties with African countries, peacekeeping and anti-piracy efforts in the region, support for African regionalism, etc. It argues that China's diplomatic expansion in Africa, while partially driven by its need for economic growth, cannot be fully understood without taking into consideration its strategic impulse accompanying its accelerating emergence as a global power. Africa is one of China's diplomatic ‘new frontiers’ as exemplified by new Chinese leader Xi Jinping's maiden foreign trip to Africa in 2013.  相似文献   

12.
Since the outbreak of the Arab revolts in late 2010, China has adhered to its ‘business-first’ economic diplomacy towards the Arab countries, a policy driven by China's ongoing geoeconomic interests. The ten-year-old China–Arab States Cooperation Forum serves as the nucleus for China's economic diplomacy in the region. The Chinese authorities have also initiated interagency coordination and central–local governments' power sharing in order to pursue this diplomacy successfully. However, while its economic diplomacy may be evolving, China, unlike what it has achieved in Black Africa, seems to have failed to develop strategic, political and cultural exchanges with its Arab counterparts. The intertwined geopolitical and geoeconomic factors that have emerged since the Arab revolts might make it harder for China to reap economic benefits while shelving political entanglement to sustain this economic diplomacy in the longer run.  相似文献   

13.
T HE year 2021 marks the centenary of the found-ing of the Communist Party of China (CPC).It's also an occasion to review the CPC's exchanges with the rest of the world.Taking the central role in directing Chinas progress on revolution,recon-struction,reform,opening-up,and modernization,the CPC has maintained a close connection with the rest of the world since its establishment.  相似文献   

14.
新冠疫情治理需要国际社会加强合作,公共卫生外交是促进各国进行公共卫生合作、建立疫情全球防线的关键举措。通过开展公共卫生外交,一方面,中国争取了世界卫生组织和国际社会的支持和帮助,满足了中国抗击国内新冠疫情形势的需要;另一方面,中国凭借丰硕的抗疫成果在全球树立了典范,通过对国际社会进行疫情通报、经验沟通、技术合作和医疗援助,推动了人类卫生健康共同体理念的传播,守护了全球疫情防线。同时也应注意到,国家层面公共卫生安全战略的不完善、一些西方国家的大国博弈旧思维,以及各国公共卫生治理理念与能力的差异等问题对中国当前的公共卫生外交提出了挑战。对此,中国应尽快完善国家公共卫生安全战略,秉承人类卫生健康共同体理念,大力推进全球公共卫生外交并积极贡献卫生公共产品,以巩固新冠疫情防控的全球战线。  相似文献   

15.
2021 marks the centenary of the founding of the Communist Party of China (CPC).In this year,China is also completing the build-ing of a moderately prosperous soci ety in all respects.That means after a century of endless exploration and unremitting struggles,the CPC has embarked on a path pursuing the modernization of national gover-nance with Chinese characteristics,honoring its commitment to build a prosperous and strong modern China.  相似文献   

16.
THIS year China celebrates the centenary anni-versary of the founding of the Communist Party of China (CPC).Leading up to the commemora-tion,many international analysts have already started to debate Chinas new foreign policy and its impact on the international order.This debate has two motivating factors.The first and most important is the prediction that the Chinese economy will surpass the American economy before 2030.The other factor is the role of Chinese diplomacy in combating the pandemic,through which China has helped more than 100 coun-tries in COVID-19 prevention,control,and vaccination,in contrast to the U.S'.lackluster responses to the pan-demic.This is not a discussion about the world's lead-ership profiles but a global governance model for the  相似文献   

17.
正Beijing recently released a new white paper providing a comprehensive overview of a multitude of efforts to achieve a xiaokang, or moderately prosperous, society, on schedule in 2021, coinciding with the centenary of the founding of the Communist Party of China(CPC). First described in the modern era by Deng Xiaoping in 1979, subsequent generations of Chinese leadership made this concept central to national development goals.  相似文献   

18.
Hong Liu 《当代中国》2011,20(72):813-832
The past decade has seen a growing body of literature on the (re)emergence of China and its implications for the new international order, and this scholarship is accompanied by the attempts from both within and outside of China to establish Chinese schools of international relations (IR). These admirable efforts, however, have been largely state-centric and concerned mainly with the balance of power, with little attention being directed to the diaspora's role in the evolution of China's international relationship and their potential contribution to bridging China studies and international relations theorization. Drawing upon theoretical insights from both IR and diaspora studies and employing a wide range of primary data including archives and personal interviews, this essay examines the diaspora's role (or the lack of it) in China's diplomacy since 1949 and attempts to conceptualize the Chinese experience in an historical and comparative perspective. I argue that historicity and state have played a significant part in shaping the interactions between the diaspora and diplomacy. The Chinese state's resilient capacity in domesticating (potential) diplomatic problems with respect to the diaspora and transforming them into new policy initiatives through facilitating diasporic participation in China's socio-economic and political processes has opened up new venues for the Chinese overseas to be involved in China's diplomacy. This article concludes by considering three different routes in engaging the diaspora with diplomacy at a time of China rising and by calling for strategic integration of diaspora into the emerging discourses on ‘IR theories with Chinese characteristics’.  相似文献   

19.
Hochul Lee 《当代中国》2013,22(80):312-331
China reacted very differently to the first and second North Korean nuclear crisis: engaging in passive and ‘behind-the-scenes’ diplomacy in the first and choosing more proactive and ‘stage-managing’ diplomacy in the second. This article has sought to explain this striking contrast in China's foreign behavior. Though most studies tend to rely on Chinese strategic and security interests in explaining China's proactive diplomacy as demonstrated in the six-party talks, those strategic and security interests do not explain directly the contrasting foreign behavior of China. China faced basically equal strategic and security concerns and equally dangerous potential military conflict between the US and North Korea through the first and the second nuclear crises. This article, then, argues that ‘same interests, but different behaviors’ should be explained not by China's external interest calculus but by internal changes within China itself. By the turn of the new millennium, China had undergone an evolutionary change of state identity from a cautious accommodator to an active constructor, or from a state of ‘taoguang yanghui’ to a state of ‘fuzeren daguo’. The contrasting foreign behaviors in the first and second nuclear crises are profoundly reflective of this identity shift of China.  相似文献   

20.
Starting Blocks     
The Sixth Plenary Session of the 19th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC), held in Beijing from November 8 to 11, fo-cused on the Party's achievements over the past century and the lessons it has drawn from this process. This session is particularly crucial for today's China. Since its inception, the CPC has devoted itself to the cause of re-vitalizing the Chinese nation. The great rejuvenation is divided into two stages, also known as the two centenary goals. The first refers to the completion of build-ing a moderately prosperous society in all respects by the centenary of the CPC in 2021, and the sec-ond is to transform China into a modern socialist country that is prosperous, strong, democratic, culturally advanced, harmonious and beautiful by the centenary of the People's Republic of China (PRC)—founded in 1949. July 1 this year marked the CPC's 100th anniversary and the na-tion's achievement of the first goal. Today, the whole country marches toward the second goal under the Party's leadership. Convened at this juncture of transitioning from the first goal to the second, the Sixth Plenary Session was entrusted with chart-ing a clearer course for the nation's future. History offers important insights. The most valuable experience taken from the past century would be the importance of adhering to the Party's leadership, sticking to the road of socialism with Chinese char-acteristics and to the reform and opening-up policy, as these are the three forces that have steered China through various diffi-culties and toward prosperity.  相似文献   

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