以乳酸杆菌为载体的口蹄疫病毒VP1基因 DNA疫苗猪体免疫试验

给猪口服和肌肉注射以乳酸杆菌为载体的口蹄疫病毒VP1基因DNA疫苗(L.acido SFMD-1),以正向间接血凝试验(IHA)和MTT方法分别检测了免疫后FMDV VP1抗体的动态变化和特异性T细胞增殖反应情况,并与商用FMD油佐剂疫苗、裸质粒FMDV VP1基因DNA疫苗诱导的特异性免疫抗体水平进行了比较。结果显示,口服组猪在免疫后第21d抗体效价达到了1∶2~(7.7),而肌肉注射组猪为1∶2~(3.3)。加强免疫后2周,口服免疫组抗体水平下降到1∶2~(5.3),到第3周快速上升到1∶2~8；与此相对应,肌肉途径免疫组猪抗体效价缓慢地从1∶2~(5.3)上升到1∶2~(6.7)。口服途径和肌肉注射途径的刺激指数(SI)分别为1.93和2.00,2种免疫途径都可以诱导特异性T细胞增殖反应。证实,该疫苗能够在猪体诱发VP1特异性T细胞和B细胞反应,以乳酸杆菌为载体是DNA免疫和预防猪口蹄疫的一种极有前景的方法。     

Political transformation in Japan as a source of insight

Abstract

This article is based on the assumption that the Japanese political system is fully comparable with the systems of other major systems, and that its analysis may afford useful insights for the understanding of political systems more generally. Its focus is upon five successive transformations of the system since the late nineteenth century that, in sequence and taken together, have created the present system. These are: (1) the revolutionary changes of the Meiji period (1868–1912), leading to modernisation, militarism, and ultimate defeat in war; (2) occupation, democracy, economic resurgence and single-party dominance (1945–1990); (3) low growth, electoral reform and neo-liberalism (1991–2006); (4) Liberal Democratic Party decline and the opposition in power (2006–2012); and (5) authoritarian leadership with weak opposition (2012 onwards). The article concludes with a discussion of three issues: (1) ambiguous aspects of strong leadership; (2) the chronic weakness of Japanese political opposition and its implications for democracy; and (3) the significance of radical transformations for the understanding of a political system.     

Putting Canada in a Comparative Context: Still the Multiculturalist Unicorn

In a very respectful response—titled with a classic rhetorical question: “Does Canadian Multiculturalism Survive through State Repression?”—Phil Ryan supports most of the arguments that Emma Ambrose and I laid out in our article “Canadian Multiculturalism and the Absence of the Far Right.” However, he does question two particular claims: (1) that the Canadian state represses critique of multiculturalism and (2) that there are no other supply-side factors to explain the absence of the far right in Canada. In this short response, I will argue, first and foremost, that Ryan perceives Canada too much through an exclusively Canadian lens, exaggerating the tolerance of the Canadian state for far-right discourse as well as the criticism of multiculturalism by the Conservative Party of Canada.     

Toward a Global Theory of Mind: The Potential Benefits of Presenting a Range of IR Theories through Active Learning

Active learning is particularly well-suited to teaching across the range of perspectives inherent in the practice and study of international politics for two key reasons: (1) because of its capacity to highlight how subjective, intersubjective, and contested understandings play an important role in determining outcomes in the ivory tower as well as in the real world and (2) because of the compatibility between underlying theories of knowledge that inform active learning and the newer generation of IR theories including subaltern realism, social constructivism, constitutive theory, and postmodernism. This article explores the potential benefits of presenting these and other norm-oriented theories through active learning. It also discusses ways to overcome barriers to the integration of active learning techniques.     

Toward a negotiated order

Book reviews in this article:
Barbara Gray . Collaborating: Finding Common Ground for Multiparty Problems.
Louise Nieuwmeijer . Negotiation: Methodology and Training.
Linda R. Singer . Settling Disputes: Conflict Resolution in Business, Families, and the Legal System.     

Exploring the representation of xenophobia in a South African television drama series: A Zimbabwean audience's perspective

Abstract

A great deal of research has been conducted on minorities and their representation in the media in various parts of the world (Evra 2004: 67; Miller 1996; Vicsek & Markus 2008: 124). Fundamentally, the reason for this is political, as ‘the cohesion or rupture of a social world depends on relations among groups who perceive themselves as disadvantaged either as groups or as individuals’ (Staiger 2005: 13). Television programmes, as elements of the media, are a source of information that contributes to these perceptions. Many scholars are of the view that television creates, reflects and reinforces social relations and functions as a mediation of the social world (Evra 2004: 13). In South Africa relatively little research has been conducted on the representation of minorities in local media. Particularly the representation of black immigrants and their representation on South African television has been largely ignored (Kiguwa 2008: 67; Nyamnjoh 2006). The focus of this article is not on the analysis of the representation of foreigners on television, but rather on how a specific group of viewers perceives the representation of Zimbabwean immigrants in the drama series Usindiso (Redemption), broadcast on the South African Broadcasting Corporation's SABC1. The central research question posed by this article is: How does a selected group of Zimbabwean immigrants living in Hillbrow in South Africa perceive the representation of Zimbabwean immigrants in Usindiso?     

In Harm's Way: Why and When a Modern Democracy Risks the Lives of Its Uniformed Citizens

Robert Serber with Robert P. Crease, Peace and War: Reminiscences of a Life on the Frontiers of Science. New York: Columbia University Press, 1998. Pp. xxii + 241, notes, illus., index. $29.95. ISBN 0–231–10546–0.

Constantine P. Danopoulos and Kostas G. Messas (eds.), Crises in the Balkans: Views from the Participants. Boulder, CO: Westview Press 1997. Pp.389, 7 maps, biblio, index. $75/£45.50. ISBN: 0–8133–8918–6.

Alan C. Tidwell, Conflict Resolved? A Critical Assessment of Conflict Resolution. London and New York: Pinter, Cassell, 1998. Pp.xii + 177, biblio, index. £45 (cloth), £15.99 (paper). ISBN 1–85567–42–0 and 543–9.

Stefan Troebst, Conflict in Kosovo: Failure of Prevention? An Analytical Documentation, 1992–1998. Flensburg: European Center for Minority Issues, 1998, Pp. xi + 107, 2 maps, abbreviation list. ISSN 1435–9812.     

Leaders Without Borders: Familiarity as a Moderator of Transnational Source Cue Effects

The role of source cue effects in transnational persuasion (in which a foreign actor attempts to persuade an audience in another jurisdiction) is largely unexplored in both the political communication and international relations literatures. This article investigates transnational source cue effects using two source cue experiments that test the persuasiveness of German chancellor Angela Merkel and UK prime minister David Cameron in a Canadian context. The experiments were embedded in an online survey administered to student participants at a Canadian university in January 2011. As might be expected, the foreign leaders exerted positive source cue effects among participants who held positive impressions of the leaders and backlash effects among those who held strongly negative impressions. These effects, however, were moderated by participants’ level of political awareness, with the largest effects observed among participants who had an intermediate level of awareness. It is argued that this nonlinear moderating effect can be attributed to the countervailing effects of attitude stability and source familiarity (both of which are associated with political awareness) on individuals’ susceptibility to source cue effects. Finally, cueing David Cameron had approximately equivalent source cue effects on participants’ attitudes towards government spending on foreign aid and welfare, suggesting that foreign leaders may be able to move opinion on domestic as well as on foreign policy issues. Overall, these results validate existing models of source cue effects in a transnational context and point to the scope and limitations of national leaders’ ability to engage in direct public diplomacy.

[Supplementary material is available for this article. Go to the publisher's online edition of Political Communication for the following free supplemental resources: Appendix: Question Wordings for Survey Experiments; Table A1: Balance Tests for Afghanistan and Cameron Cue Experiments; and Table A2: Underlying Salience of Domestic and Foreign Policy Spending.]     

鸭疫里氏杆菌双抗体夹心ELISA检测方法的建立

为快速检测鸭疫里氏杆菌,以纯化的兔抗1型鸭疫里氏杆菌抗体作为捕获抗体,以纯化的鸭疫里氏杆菌单克隆抗体作为检测抗体,建立了双抗体夹心ELISA方法。最佳的方案为用184ng/孔纯化的多抗包被过夜,100mL/L小牛血清37℃封闭2h,检测抗原、单抗、酶标抗体均为37℃作用1h,显色20min后终止反应,D450nm值高于0.330且P/N>2.1判定为阳性。该方法特异性强,与禽源巴氏杆菌、大肠杆菌、沙门菌无交叉反应,最低检测剂量为104 CFU/mL。与传统细菌分离方法相比,该方法的敏感性为100%,符合率为85.2%。本研究首次建立了检测鸭疫里氏杆菌的双抗体夹心ELISA方法,且特异、敏感。     

Enlargement as a factor accelerating the transformation of the European community

Think tanks

Think tank traditions policy research and the Politics oj ideas / edited by Diane Stone and Andrew Denham. ‐ Manchester : Manchester University Press, c2004. ‐xiv, 322 p. ‐ ISBN 0–7190–6479–1 (pbk)

International finance

Democratizing Global Governance / edited by Esref Aksu and Joseph A. Camilleri. ‐Basingstoke : Palgrave Macmillan, c2002. ‐ xx, 306 p. ‐ ISBN 0–333–97123‐X (pbk)

Financial stability and growth in emerging economies : the role of the financial sector / edited by Jan Joost Teunissen and Mark Teunissen. ‐ The Hague : FON‐DAD, c2003. ‐ xvi, 281 p. ‐ ISBN 90–74208–21–5

Foreign direct investment in Central and Eastern Europe / edited by Svetla Trifonova Marinova, Marin Alexandrov Marinov.‐ Aldershot : Ashgate, c2003. ‐ xii, 339 p. ‐ (Transition and development). ‐ ISBN 0–7546–3026–9

Restructuring sovereign debt the case of ad hoc machinery / Lex Rieffel. ‐ Washington D.C. : Brookings Institutution Press, c2003

Sustaining global growth and development : G 7 and IMF governance / edited by Michele Fratianni, Paolo Savona, John J. Kirton. ‐ Aldershot : Ashgate, c2003. ‐ xxiv, 339 p. ‐ (Gobal finance series). ‐ ISBN 0–7546–3529–5

Turbulent waters : cross‐border finance and international governance / Ralph C. Bryant. ‐ Washington, D.C. : Brookings Institution Press, c2003. ‐xvi, 503 p. ‐ ISBN 0–8157–0071–7

European Union

L'Europa e il mondo : la politico estera, di sicurezza e di difesa europea / Marco Clementi. ‐ Bologna : il Mulino, c2004. ‐ 222 p. ‐ (Contemporanea ; 148). ‐ISBN 88–15–09620–5

L'Europe des commissaires : réflexions sur l'identité européenne des Traités de Rome au Traité d'Amsterdam / par Bertrand Rochard. ‐Bruxelles : Etablissements Emile Bruylant, 2003. ‐ xiv, 503 p. ‐(Organisation internationale et relations internationales ; 55 ).‐ ISBN 2–8027–1723–5

The European finality debate and its national dimensions / edited by Simon Serfaty. ‐Washington: The CSIS Press, c2003. ‐xiv, 297 p. ‐ (Significant issues series).‐ ISBN 0–89206–427–7

The European Union, Mercosul and the new world order / editors Helio Jaguaribe, Alvaro de Vasconcelos. ‐ London : Frank Cass, c2003. ‐ xx, 247 p. ‐ ISBN 0–7146–8338–8

Multi‐level governance and institutional change : the Europeanization of regional policy in Italy / Enrico Gualini. ‐ Aldershot : Ashgate, c2004. ‐ (Urban and regional planning and development). ‐ ISBN 0–7546–3626–7     

嗜水气单胞菌胶体金快速检测试纸条的研制

用柠檬酸三钠还原氯金酸制备胶体金颗粒,标记抗嗜水气单胞菌单克隆抗体并制备金标垫。将吸收垫、喷涂有抗嗜水气单胞菌单克隆抗体和羊抗鼠抗体的硝酸纤维素膜、金标垫及样品垫组装成免疫层析试纸条,建立嗜水气单胞菌的胶体金免疫层析快速检测方法。用灭活细菌与血清混合的模拟检测样本测定试纸条的特异性、灵敏度,结果显示:试纸条对豚鼠气单胞菌、温和气单胞菌、鳗弧菌、溶藻弧菌、荧光假单胞菌、副溶血弧菌等13种常见病原菌没有交叉反应,与嗜水气单胞菌有特异性反应,检测灵敏度为1×105CFU/mL,检测时间小于5min。所制备的嗜水气单胞菌胶体金免疫层析检测试纸条具有快速、简便、特异性高、适用于基层临床生产推广应用等优点。     

Uneven and combined development: a fusion of Marxism and structural realism

Although Justin Rosenberg's academic writings have from the very beginning attempted to provide an alternative to neorealism in the form of Trotsky's theory of uneven and combined development (U&CD), his attempts at actually replacing it with a general theory of his own have been relatively recent. His initial attempts raised much interest and several responses. In his latest paper, ‘Basic problems in the theory of uneven and combined development, part II: unevenness and political multiplicity’ (Cambridge Review of International Affairs, 23:1, 2010, 165–189), Rosenberg acknowledges that in actual fact, despite his attempts to provide an alternative to neorealism, his own theory presupposed political multiplicity, and therefore in his latest article he has sought to rectify this by providing an account of the emergence of ‘politically fragmented space’ which is explicitly grounded in historical materialism (Pozo-Martin, Cambridge Review of International Affairs, 20:4, 2007, 554). As such, it is to be welcomed. However, this article argues that if we are to accept Rosenberg's theory of the emergence of multiplicity then it must provide a better explanation than other competing accounts. By using an alternative explanation of the rise of the international, this article demonstrates that Rosenberg's paper has failed to do this, and instead argues for the existence of a transhistorical anarchic environment arising from social rather than political multiplicity. However, U&CD is then used to explain both the intra- and inter-societal stratifications (the latter in terms of distributional structure) that arise. Associated with these stratifications is the inextricable intertwining of the modes of production and modes of inter-state competition. From this combination emerges the general tendencies of societal development, which then need to be applied to the concrete circumstances of history. In so doing, we need to account for the different analytical registers of genesis, structure, epoch and conjuncture and the unique concatenation of factors that pertain for each of these (Callinicos, International Politics, 6:3, 2005, 362).     

How to solve the many-state problem: a reply to the debate

This article responds to the debate provoked by the author's ‘Does capitalism need the state system?’ (Cambridge Review of International Affairs, 20:4 2007, 533–549) and his exchanges with Justin Rosenberg (Cambridge Review of International Affairs, 21:1 2008, 77–112). It is divided into three parts. The first restates the issues, situating them in the context of a growing Marxist preoccupation with the international in recent years, and contrasts the ‘high road’—Rosenberg's attempt to use Trotsky's concept of uneven and combined development to provide a transhistorical perspective on intersocietal relations—with Callinicos's own preferred ‘low road’ of more focused analysis centred on the prevailing mode(s) of production. The second addresses the fundamental criticisms addressed to him by Hannes Lacher, Benno Teschke and John M Hobson, all of whom deny that there is a necessary relation between capitalism and the interstate system. The third considers the more specific comments offered by Neil Davidson, Gonso Pozo-Martin, and Jamie Allinson and Alex Anievas, before concluding with an appeal for a move off the terrain of abstract theory to more empirical studies that can test the relative value of rival conceptual constructions.     

Public Opinion and Foreign Policy: Elite Beliefs as a Mediating Variable

Scholars have become increasingly interested in the nature of potential linkage processes between public opinion and foreign policy. The literature on elite beliefs suggests that the beliefs decision makers hold concerning public opinion may have an important influence on this relationship. This article argues that how decision makers perceive and react to public opinion depends upon their views of the proper relationship between public opinion and foreign policy choices. A theoretical framework to analyze beliefs is suggested containing two dimensions: (1) normative beliefs relating to whether it is desirable for input from public opinion to affect foreign policy choices; and (2) practical beliefs regarding whether public support of a policy is necessary for it to be successful. To explore this issue, this article reports the findings of a qualitative content analysis of Dwight D. Eisenhower's and John Foster Dulles's public opinion beliefs. Predictions of behavior are tested in a case study of the September 1954 Chinese offshore islands crisis. The results of this analysis suggest elite beliefs regarding public opinion may provide an important intervening variable worthy of further examination.     

What should journalism do in a new democracy?

The particular circumstances of new democracies invite reconsideration of normative ideas of the role of journalism. The model of communication developed by Habermas posits that various rules are built into the nature of communication, including norms of inclusivity, openness and non-coercion. Based on this approach, the role of journalism can be defined in relation to notions of civic discourse in the public sphere. This article describes the role in the following three dimensions: (1) as curator of information and views; (2) as direct participant, in its own voice; and, underpinning these, (3) as custodian of public discussion, whose quality is measured against the norms of fair discourse. This Habermasian approach lays the basis for critique, and the three dimensions identified are here applied to the particular circumstances of South Africa’s new democracy. It considers characteristics of South Africa as a new democracy and highly unequal society which impinge on the quality of civic discussion. Normatively, journalism’s role is to respond to those particular characteristics in building and protecting a vibrant public sphere where inclusive, fair civic discourse can take place. This includes a focus on areas where media practices and institutions themselves stand in the way of the ideal.     

Motivation in humanitarian health workers: a self-determination theory perspective

This paper emerged from the authors' interest in why humanitarian health workers initially engage and remain in humanitarian work, often in the face of threats to safety and personal well-being. Semi-structured qualitative interviews assessed the consciously available reasons why individuals engaged in humanitarian health work. Interview data was unpacked through a thematic analysis. Using self-determination theory as a guiding framework, data suggested introjected and identified motivations are applicable to this occupational domain. Introjected motivation is implicated in initial reasons to engage the work, while identified motivation is implicated in reasons to continue. Theoretical and practical implications of these findings are discussed.

Motivation parmi les travailleurs humanitaires dans le domaine de la santé : un point de vue basé sur la théorie de l'autodétermination

Cet article a émané de l'intérêt de l'auteur concernant les raisons pour lesquelles les travailleurs humanitaires dans le domaine de la santé s'engagent initialement et continuent de travailler dans l'humanitaire, souvent malgré les menaces qui pèsent sur leur sécurité et sur leur bien-être personnel. Des entretiens qualitatifs semi-structurés ont permis d'évaluer les raisons consciemment disponibles qui expliquent que certaines personnes se soient engagées dans le travail humanitaire dans le domaine de la santé. Les données obtenues grâce aux entretiens ont été examinées au moyen d'une analyse thématique. En prenant la théorie d'autodétermination comme cadre d'orientation, les données ont suggéré que des motivations introjectées et identifiées sont applicables à ce domaine professionnel. La motivation introjectée intervient dans les raisons initiales de s'engager dans ce type de travail, tandis que la motivation identifiée intervient dans les raisons de continuer. Les implications théoriques et pratiques de ces conclusions font l'objet d'une discussion.

Motivação para Trabalhadores Humanitários da Área da Saúde: Uma Perspectiva da Teoria da Auto-Determinação

Este artigo surgiu do interesse dos autores em saber por que os trabalhadores humanitários da área da saúde engajam-se inicialmente e depois permanecem no trabalho humanitário, frequentemente enfrentando ameaças à segurança e bem-estar pessoal. Entrevistas qualitativas semiestruturadas avaliaram as razões dos indivíduos engajarem-se no trabalho humanitário na área da saúde, razões estas conscientemente apresentadas. Dados da entrevista foram processados através de uma análise temática. Utilizando a teoria da auto-determinação como estrutura de orientação, os dados sugeriram que as motivações introjetadas e identificadas são aplicáveis a este domínio ocupacional. A motivação introjetada está associada às razões iniciais de se engajar no trabalho, enquanto a motivação identificada está associada às razões de se permanecer no trabalho. As implicações teóricas e práticas destes resultados são discutidas.

La motivación en los trabajadores humanitarios de salud: una perspectiva de la teoría de la autodeterminación

Este ensayo surgió del interés de los autores en cómo los trabajadores humanitarios de salud inician su trabajo y permanecen en él a pesar de las frecuentes amenazas a su seguridad y bienestar personal. Las entrevistas cualitativas semiestructuradas realizadas revelaron las razones enunciadas conscientemente de porqué los individuos participan en el trabajo humanitario en salud. Se evaluaron las entrevistas a través de un análisis temático. Utilizando la teoría de la autodeterminación como marco, las entrevistas sugieren la existencia de motivaciones tanto introyectadas como identificadas en este ámbito de trabajo. La motivación introyectada se refiere a las razones para iniciar el trabajo y la motivación identificada a las razones para seguir en él. El ensayo examina las implicaciones teóricas y prácticas de estos resultados.     

Public Opinion as a Domestic Constraint in International Negotiations: Two-Level Games in the Anglo-Irish Peace Process

This article aims to broaden the theoretical foundations of the two-level games approach to understanding international negotiations by considering the conditions under which public opinion can act as a domestic constraint on the ability of international negotiators to reach agreement. In determining the role that public opinion plays, three factors are of central importance: (1) the preferences of the public relative to those of decision makers and other domestic constituents; (2) the intensity of the issue under negotiation; and (3) the power of the public to ratify a potential agreement. Evidence from the last decade of Anglo-Irish negotiations over the future and status of Northern Ireland shows that public opinion acts as a constraint on negotiators when the public has the power to directly ratify an international agreement. When the public's power to ratify an agreement is indirect, the intensity of the issue under negotiation will play a critical role in determining whether public preferences serve as a constraint on decision makers.     

Settling Like a State: Acehnese Refugees in Vancouver

In Canada, the phenomenon of urban refugees is largely an expressionof state-managed practices, not spontaneous migration and settlement.This study focuses on the distinctly North American, and specificallyCanadian, experiences of pre-meditated, state-planned, government-managedmigration and settlement for urban refugees from the Aceh regionof Indonesia to Vancouver, British Columbia in 2004. It exploreswhy and how these refugees came to Vancouver; the state policydecision that located all of them in one city; and how theyhave fared in acquiring official language proficiency and employment.Whereas many refugees move to urban centres to enhance educationaland employment opportunities, this study illustrates the obstaclesto accessing both in Vancouver. Despite full legal status andaccess to employment sanctioned by the host state, there isno guarantee that refugees will have an easier time creatinglivelihoods under dramatically new conditions. The analysisis based on research conducted between January and August 2005during which a survey of housing, employment, and income issueswas conducted with 70 of the 104 Acehnese refugees who had relocatedto Vancouver since February 2004. In addition, a one-day, three-partseries of focus groups was held during which 47 members of theAcehnese community took part. Discussions centred on three keymoments during their migration: (1) while in Malaysian detentioncamps; (2) upon arrival in Vancouver, British Columbia; and(3) during the first year of settlement in the city, to ascertaincommon settlement experiences, policy implications, and theshort-term ‘success’ of the resettlement.     

On a Sociology of the Media

This article presents a detailed examination of the mass media's influence on candidate visibility and candidate awareness in House elections, using media markets as the vehicle for analysis. Simple comparisons reveal striking media market effects on both visibility and awareness: Voters are much more likely to report contact with the candidates in “media market districts"—House districts where there is a close fit between the local television market and the district's boundaries. Candidate recognition figures are also markedly higher in the media market setting. These findings indicate that the mass media have the potential to strongly influence competition in House races: Challengers are able to use the media advantages in media market districts to overcome the exposure gap associated with the incumbency advantage. Closer inspection reveals that these effects hold true even after controlling for other factors, most notably the spending activities of the candidates. These results suggest a substantial media influence on candidate awareness and thus on competition in House races.