“无赖国家”及美国对其政策综述

“无赖国家”的概念由美国提出后,就逐渐在国际社会流行开来。冷战后,美国把“无赖国家”确定为世界及美国安全的主要威胁,对它的内涵和外延进行了诠释,对其政策则随形势变化而不断调整。     

The United States and Maritime Strategy: A Parochial View from the U.S. Naval War College

The emergence of transnational non-state threats, America's ongoing war on terror, and the increasing globalization of the world's economy all affect the security and stability of the maritime environment. As the world's leading economic and maritime power, the US bears a unique responsibility—it must secure and share the benefits of the global commons. A maritime strategy is not just a force planning exercise, or a guide to naval operations in wartime. This article identifies key trends and non-military issues – geographic, economic, and diplomatic – that the Navy and the country must consider in developing a new maritime strategy to provide for good order at sea in the coming decades.     

美军海上战略转型：“由海至向陆”到“重返制海”

2009年特别是2012年以来,美国战略界对全球海洋战略环境的认知发生了重大变化,愈来愈将大国战略竞争视为美国面临的最大海上挑战,认为冷战结束后二十余年来的美军海上战略优势和行动自由正遭遇着中俄等国的“侵蚀”。鉴此,美军开始重新强调马汉传统和与大国间海洋控制的竞争,围绕“由海至向陆”到“重返制海”的海上战略转型,积极在战略、战术、作战概念、装备研发等领域进行全面系统的调整。文章通过对美军战略与政策文件的回顾与分析以及对其转型实践和具体行为的研究,回答美军海上战略为什么要转型、怎样转型以及转型的前景和影响等核心问题,力求对此次转型进行系统全面的分析。研究表明,此次转型聚焦“印太”、自下而上、突出体系联合及国际合作,相比历史上的历次重大海上战略转型,特点非常明显,中国等新兴大国海上崛起和技术变迁是其中最重要的两大动因。对于美军而言,转型仍然在路上,前期已经历了一个较长时间的酝酿,未来还将持续很长时间,尚存在较大变数,但大方向已经确定。由于此次转型很大程度上直接瞄准中国,其发展走向必将对中国海上安全环境构成重大威胁和影响。     

“无赖国家”及美国对其政策综述（续）

四、伊战后美国对"无赖国家"的政策 美国发动伊拉克战争的主要理由,就是认为伊拉克作为一个"无赖国家"拥有大规模杀伤性武器,对美国及世界安全构成了巨大威胁。美国希望通过对伊战争推翻萨达姆政权,并对其他"无赖国家"起到震慑作用。伊战后,利比亚、叙利亚等一些所谓的     

战略缔造之通鉴--评《缔造战略:统治者、国家与战争》

对任何一国而言 ,如何在充满竞争的国际政治“丛林”中确保本国的生存与安全 ,增进本国福祉 ,维护、拓展国家利益 ,是一个基本而又现实的问题。国际政治的根本特征———缺乏一个自上而下的统治权威 ,即无政府状态 ,决定了国家必须对本国的安全与福祉未雨绸缪、“自力更生”。一个无法有效履行此一职责的国家轻则陷本国的安全与福祉于危险境地 ,重则使国家面临灭顶之灾或被“淘汰出局”。自古希腊以来的国家间关系历史昭示 ,只有那些灵活地因应环境并对此作出“正确的”战略抉择的国家才能发展壮大、立于不败之地 ,而那些昧于历史大势未能作…     

Sovereignty at Sea: States and Security in the Maritime Domain

The oceans present a variety of perils to both states and private actors, ranging from smuggling to direct attacks on vessels. Yet, a disconnect exists between states’ maritime power and sovereign fleets due to the emergence of open shipping registries in the 20th century. How have great powers like the United States responded to threats generated by transit of the oceans for legitimate and illicit purposes? The nature of peacetime security threats that states confront at sea has shaped divergent responses. The main maritime powers draw a distinction between threats aimed at states and threats to commerce. Where perceived threats to the state are concerned, great powers have sought to revise understandings of the protections sovereignty provides—specifically, by seeking expanded interdiction rights—to further their own security goals. When maritime powers perceive that international commerce is under threat, they delegate the sovereign protection function both upward to internationally sanctioned maritime coalitions and outward to private security firms. These policies are responses to the security challenges that result from the decoupling of sovereign power and the merchant fleet that followed the emergence of open shipping registries.     

合作稳定推进一体化——东盟积极应对新世纪

面对国内经济的下滑和国际形势的变化,东盟作为一个地区性的国际组织,2001年表现比较活跃.在经济一体化、科技、控制爱滋病和禁毒、反恐斗争及地区安全等方面,东盟加强了内部和国际合作,并取得了积极的进展.展望2002年,东盟将在经济合作、一体化和地区安全问题上进一步加强合作.     

Maritime security in the United States: Latent threats and latent vulnerabilities

Americans and their government are seemingly unconcerned about the possibility that maritime facilities and personnel might be at risk to armed violence. Not only are current maritime security efforts minimal, they feature a curious dichotomy: one thrust is directed toward occasional acts of terrorism, the other toward coastal defense in wartime. Despite a manifestly more interactive world marked by the ready availability of powerful, mobile weapons, no serious efforts have been directed toward protecting maritime facilities and personnel in the United States against special operations or unconventional warfare. This indifference reflects the prevalence of the Clausewitzian paradigm in America's attitude toward war and the country's historical experience with coastal defense in the wars of this century. The fragmented structure of civil and military protection available to protect ports and other facilities suggests that protection could not be quickly upgraded in the face of a rapidly‐developing threat.     

印度尼西亚佐科政府的“全球海洋支点”战略及中国与印度尼西亚合作的新契机

2014年10月,佐科·维多多当选为印度尼西亚第七任总统,提出建设全球海洋支点战略,并致力于与中国的21世纪海上丝绸之路战略对接。印度尼西亚的全球海洋支点战略和中国的海上丝绸之路战略对接,为中国与印度尼西亚的合作提供了新契机和更大的合作空间,海洋合作将成为未来两国合作的新领域,其中海洋合作的重点将在海洋经济和海洋文化方面。     

中亚国家:国际战略、外交政策与国家安全

分析影响中亚五国制定国际战略、外交政策和国家安全战略的各种因素,简介各国国际战略、外交政策和国家安全战略的异同点及其原因,以及中亚五国外交和国家安全观的特点,指出维护国家利益和民族利益是各国制定国际战略、外交政策和国家安全战略的出发点和核心.在当前国际形势相当复杂和"三股恶势力"肆虐中亚的情况下,中亚各国国家安全战略正面临巨大的考验.     

国际反恐怖主义战略：美国、巴基斯坦与印度

“9.11”恐怖主义袭击事件后 ,随着美国组织盟国准备对阿富汗实施军事打击 ,巴基斯坦的战略地位重新回升 ,美巴之间的密切合作成为美国反恐怖主义行动顺利进行的重要条件 ;印度的合作愿望则因印巴两国的微妙关系而受到美国冷落。印巴在阿富汗政治重建问题上利益迥异 ,同时克什米尔暴力事件也突出了印度自身的反恐怖主义问题 ,这些复杂因素使得美国不得不在南亚维系平衡、险走钢丝 ,为其全局计划增添了新的变数。     

Strategy,Security, and War in Iraq: The United States and the Gulf in the 21st Century

Over the course of events taking place in and around the Persian Gulf over the last three years, the United States has used force to replace a despotic dictator who once served Western interests, placed considerable distance between itself and its erstwhile regional partner Saudi Arabia, and reduced its role as arbiter in the Arab–Israeli dispute. Operation Iraqi Freedom would seem to reveal that the United States has chosen a broader vision for the role that force could play as part of a more aggressive security strategy. The Gulf littoral's forward-deployed footprint, set into place during the first Gulf War, enabled effects-based capabilities to be tested in Iraq that have come online since the 1990s, enabling the US military to begin to operationalise what was initially dubbed the ‘Revolution in Military Affairs’ and now is called ‘Transformation’. As such, the Gulf infrastructure provides the US with a model to emulate around the world as it seeks to realign its forces to better address new threats in the global theatre. The Gulf facilities will become central hubs in the network of bases stretching throughout Central and South Asia and the Horn of Africa which will perform missions associated with the global war on terror. Operation Iraqi Freedom represents only the beginning of this phenomenon in an emerging new global defense strategy that may see forward-deployed forces around the world used with increased frequency to manage an uncertain security environment.     

ASEAN and the Major Powers： New Ties of Transnational Integration

ASEAN, whose international prestige grew as a result of its diplomatic role in 1970s, can be seen as providing a model for linking the very disparate states of the Asia-Pacific region in a common association. The centrality of ASEAN to any attempt to build regional institutions was strengthened by clashes of interest between the major powers. In order to protect its own strategic interests, ASEAN has established mechanisms of economic and security cooperation with the EU and the United States since the end of Cold War. After September 11, the cooperation between ASEAN and the US has become much more extensive than before on both regional and global levels. Sino-EU-US triangular relationships have had a significant influence on ASEAN relations with these powers in the new century.     

The 21~(st) Century Maritime Silk Route:New Hopes and Opportunities

<正>1.Introduction Maritime transport is like as the backbone of international trade as well as the global economy.About 90 percent of world’s trade is carried out by the sea in the contemporary fiscal years.The maritime domain has been always considered as cost-effective transit for merchandising trade among the countries.In this regard Maritime Silk     

End States,Resource Allocation and NATO Strategy in Afghanistan

This article compares Canadian and allied goals in Afghanistan during the military campaign against Al Qaeda and the Taliban in 2001–2002 with the objectives of the NATO-led International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) in subsequent years. The authors conclude that the limited aims in the initial campaign have been replaced by a set of more ambitious objectives. After considering force levels, resources committed to Afghanistan and the exigencies of the security situation, the authors conclude that Canadian and allied means have not been adequate to the ends sought. Despite significant progress in political reform and socio-economic improvements in many regions of the country, as of the end of 2007, allied strategy in Afghanistan may not viable without considerable increases in resources.     

“海上丝绸之路”的新内涵及海南省的作用

中国国家主席习近平访问东盟国家时提出共同建设21世纪海上丝绸之路,新的时代赋予了海上丝绸之路新的内涵和意义。本文提出推动海上丝绸之路建设的举措,探讨海南省在建设海上丝绸之路中的作用。