合作中的竞争：非营利组织与政府的新型关系

非营利组织与政府合作关系的作用已经被许多学者所重视。由于对抗关系的历史缺位,在我国非营利组织的成长过程中这种合作关系缺乏独立性,无法使政府与非营利组织建立真正的合作关系。在两者的合作中加入竞争的因素,建立一种合作中竞争的新型关系,对解决我国目前非营利组织与政府关系存在的问题起着重要的作用,并在此基础上,通过增强非营利组织的自主性,提高政府的行政效率。     

New Labour and Government in Britain: Change or Continuity?

The 1997 British election marks a major change in British government. Eighteen years of Conservative rule had brought about growing inequality and social division and have generated powerful demands for new directions in public policy, especially in the areas of welfare and public administration. On welfare state reform Labour is constrained by election promises to restrain taxation and public expenditure. New Labour ministers influenced by the New Right have in any case largely rejected traditional social democratic redistributive strategies and are seeking instead new ways of reducing welfare dependency.
The virulent spread of quangos at all levels of government and a marked increase in the centralisation of power in Whitehall have given a new impetus to demands for constitutional reform. Labour's response to these demands is a major program of regional devolution, House of Lords reform and open government measures.
This article explains what 'New Labour' means and discusses New Labour policies on welfare and constitutional reform and their implications for the future of public administration in Britain.     

非对称性依赖：中国基金会与政府关系研究

试图回答中国基金会与政府之间究竟存在着怎样的相互关系,以及这种关系的生成机制是什么.运用案例分析的方法,揭示了政府与基金会的互动关系,以及资源获得、资源转化之间的逻辑关系;拓展了资源依赖理论,重视资源转化在获得资源方面的作用,提出在满足"转化的需要、转化的可能、转化的意愿以及转化的意义"等多个条件下,才能成功地实现从一种资源到另一种资源的转化.通过政府合法性约束命题、基金会功能命题、基金会能力限度命题来阐述政府与基金会的各自特征,这些特征表明了在现阶段基金会与政府之间具备了上述资源转化的种种条件.在此基础上,提出了"非对称性依赖"分析框架,来解释基金会与政府之间的相互关系.得出:非对称性依赖是目前基金会与政府关系的表现形式,各种资源之间的成功转化是促成该关系形成的内在机制.     

网络公关:地方政府与社会关系和谐的新探索

地方政府网络公关指的是地方政府以争取公众信任和支持为目标,通过运用网络沟通和传播手段发布信忠,影响舆论,塑造良好政府形象的活动,是实现政府与社会关系和谐的新探索.地方政府网络公关受到网络舆论环境、政治体系内压力以及地方政府利益等三个因素的影响.其中,外部舆论环境只有通过政治体系内自上而下的政治机制才能发挥作用,在此情况下的地方政府利益因素也是可以改变的.     

From Old Labour to New Labour: A Comment on Rubinstein

In a critique of our book New Labour, David Rubinstein has argued that we exaggerate the degree of difference between Old and New Labour and underplay the similarities. In this article we agree with many of the continuities that Rubinstein outlines. However, we argue that he himself gives plenty of evidence in favour of our thesis that change has been marked in many policy areas. We argue that we give a good account of the wider social factors that he says accounts for such change. In this article we offer a restatement of the view that New Labour offers a 'post-Thatcherite' politics. New Labour breaks both with post-war social democracy and with Thatcherism.     

Changing Relations between Government and Citizen: Administrative Law and the Work of the Australian Commonwealth Ombudsman

This article examines the individual complaint‐taking role of the Australian Commonwealth Ombudsman over a 28 year period between 1977–2005. This study was conceived through a curiosity to determine how a 30 year old administrative law institution is reacting to accommodate a dramatically altered legal, political and economic environment. The suspicion was that, in the absence of legislative amendment to its jurisdiction and role, the Commonwealth Ombudsman must strategically change due to the demands of these external forces. The overall quantitative finding from the data analysis is that the internal strategic direction of the Commonwealth Ombudsman is indeed altering. In terms of dispute resolution it is increasingly using its discretionary powers to turn individual complainants back to government departments/agencies. The data analysis reveals that this administrative law institution is shifting from a reactive individual complaint taker to a proactive standard setter for government administration. This article suggests that this movement may impact upon citizen ‘rights’ or perceptions of their rights to have their individual complaints heard against government. This in turn may have a ripple effect for notions of democratic accountability and the relationship between the citizen and the state.     

政府与社会组织关系演进的历史逻辑

从总体性二元合一走向分化性二元合一,解决分化与耦合两个方面的问题,是中国政府与社会组织关系演进的总体态势。运用结构功能主义视角,可以发现,演进历经让渡与承接、规范与依附、激活与协同等阶段,由政府与社会组织的功能性界分,到基于责任结构整合的政会功能黏附,逐渐发展为基于全面结构整合的政会功能分化与耦合。演进的基本逻辑,是政府主导下功能演变与结构调整的互动,即由政府主导的演进轨道、由功能演变与结构调整互动而构成的演进机制。展望未来,分化性二元合一体系的完善,必须按照现代国家治理的要求,在政府与社会组织之间打造共建、共治与共享的结构功能系统,实现基于责任结构契合的功能目标一致、基于权力结构合理的功能形式耦合、基于利益结构规范的功能输出互益。     

New Labour Legacy: Comparing the Labour Governments of Blair and Brown to Labour Governments since 1945

The election of the Conservative–Liberal coalition in May 2010 provides the opportunity to start to map out the record of the Labour governments between 1997 and 2010. This paper deals with the specific question how the Brown/Blair governments performed on public expenditures when compared to the records of UK Labour governments since 1945. Did the public expenditure record of the 1997 represent a departure from that of previous Labour governments? This is important to ascertain since there are strongly held beliefs that New Labour was not committed to Labour's historic commitments of income redistribution and universal benefits. The analysis that follows is constructed around five major public expenditure programmes that reflect Labour's priorities. These include total expenditure, expenditure on health, education, housing and social security.     

The Future of Socialism and New Labour: An Appraisal

Recently, much controversy has been generated about what Tony Crosland would have made of New Labour. Critics and supporters of the Blair project alike have laid claim to Crosland's legacy. For some it is evidence of New Labour's integrity; for others it confirms the party's betrayal of social democratic values. An examination of the arguments in The Future of Socialism indicates that it is neither. In this article, I offer a new appraisal of that text that challenges the orthodox analysis of it. Most accounts present the volume as a theoretical and original statement, one seeking to align British socialism with Swedish social democracy. I argue that the volume does not offer this kind of original contribution to debates about socialism. It is neither primarily a theoretical volume nor one that breaks decisively with the insularity that has shaped the trajectory of British socialism. I maintain that the importance of Crosland's legacy is emotional and symbolic: it offers Labour a charismatic and reassuring image of the party's past.     

Using the State for Change: Towards an Effective Labour Government

The capacity of the state to deliver transformative social and economic change appears more limited today than since Labour was last in government. A future Labour government will therefore need to reckon with the challenges this presents when it comes to harnessing the power of the state to distribute power, wealth, and opportunity, effectively. This article considers two aspects of state power. The first is the ability of the state to enforce laws, and in doing so shape social and economic norms. With reference to past successes and failures, there is discussion of how laws and regulations could be made more effective. The second aspect is state intervention in the economy, and the circumstances in which it is possible and desirable to nationalise key industries. The case is made for a thorough assessment of the efficiency and efficacy of such interventions in the economy, especially when weighed against other policy priorities.     

和谐社会建构中的政府与非营利组织互动关系——以上海市“维稳”实践为例

为维护社会稳定与增进社会和谐,上海市通过政府主导推动非营利组织的创建,不仅实现了政府与非营利组织职能的对接和联结,还初步解决了政府还权于社会以后,应该由什么样的组织来承接,以及怎样来承接等问意.但另一方面政府的主导推动也引发了诸多问题.在目前条件下,政府在对非营利组织进行大力扶持的同时,应注重其自主运作能力的培养与提高.形成以政府为主导、非营利组织为主体、社会志愿者广泛参与的社会工作良性运行和发展机制.     

权力瘦身视角下的新型政商关系构建

转型期的中国政商关系一直受到政府权力边界不清晰产生的影响。公共组织自我赋权的轻易性导致权力过多过滥,进而带来寻租行为高发,是扭曲政商关系的重要原因;公共组织的自身利益与社会公共利益"相绑定"并凌驾于其上,使权力的清理愈加困难。因此,以壮士断腕的决心清理不必要的行政权力,厘清政府和市场的边界,同时建立更为严格的权力设定程序和权力退出机制,是从"不敢腐"向"不能腐"迈进的重要途径。     

Labour and the Scottish National Party: the Triumph of Continuity in a Changing Scotland

Scotland's party system appears on the verge of major change with the Scottish National Party poised to supplant the Labour party as the dominant force. Under a charismatic leader, the SNP is using populist means to try and secure independence. However, real change appears elusive even if constitutional arrangements are altered further. The SNP distrusts democratic participation and is keen to rule through mobilised interests groups and the civil‐service, strengthening the corporatist style of government characterising Scotland for centuries. Labour might avoid long‐term marginalisation, if it was to embrace an agenda based on strong democratic citizenship and a broad nationalism which emphasises a continuing Union in which the benefits of devolution are clearly directed towards individual citizens as well as elite groups