探析当今美国传播与政治的关系

传媒与政治有密切的关系，传媒的巨大宣传功能为政府提供了影响和引导舆论的工具。美国向来标榜“新闻自由”，但却打着信息传播的幌子对他国进行价值观的渗透，本文从美国传媒对北约轰炸南联盟的报道中剖析美国传媒与政治的关系，指出美国传媒并非它所自我标榜的那么“独立”和“公正”     

法国视听传媒规制政策的变迁与思考

与其他西方国家不同,法国视听传媒在20世纪80年代以前一直处于严格有序的国家垄断和政府控制之下,80年代以后,法国政府才从形式上放弃了对视听传媒的集中管理,形成公共广播电视与商业广播电视并存竞争的局面.法国视听传媒发展成为一种特殊的文化产业,其政府规制政策的演变,是国家政治利益,民族文化、全球经济、新技术发展等因素共同作用的结果.在近90年的发展和变革过程中,法国视听传媒坚持的主要指导原则是:广播电视作为一种公有资源,经营者必须承担社会公共责任,与英美为代表的“强调权利,而相对忽视义务;注重个人主义,而轻视社团的意义”所表达的自由政策相比,它走的是一种权利与义务并重的中庸之道.在视听传媒规制政策的普遍适用性及规制双方的独立性方面,法国与英美等西方发达国家相比还处在一个欠成熟的发展阶段,今后要走的路还很长.     

东南亚华文传媒的媒介功能与前瞻

本文通过论述东南亚华文传媒的历史、文化传播的作用、传媒的政治功能、困境下的历史瞻望 ,全面客观地评价了其历史功绩。本文认为 ,华文传媒的存在对东南亚华侨华人的民族认同与文化认同 ,和为华侨华人争取应有的社会权益具有重要意义。由于历史原因 ,华文传媒的发展遇到受众日益减少的挑战 ,但是随着中国的迅速崛起 ,华文传媒重新面对一个充满希望的生机 ,并可藉此摆脱困境 ,步入快速发展时代。     

朴槿惠政府对朝政策解析

朝鲜试射导弹和第三次核试验后,朝鲜半岛和东北亚国际关系进入新的"朝鲜半岛拥核和核威胁"时代,朝核问题成为韩国新政府面临的首个重大课题。朝鲜半岛局势动荡相对削弱了韩国对朝的战略优势,为其对朝传统政策带来诸多挑战。朴槿惠政府被迫更新政策,采取包括提升对朝一揽子"抑制力"与实施人道主义援助并行的"均衡政策"战略,推动朝鲜半岛"信任政治"进程。目前,朴槿惠政府扩大对朝拥核的国际抑制力是迫于朝核危机形势而采取的权宜之计,不会偏离信任进程的基本框架。由于国内外各种因素制约,从维护朝鲜半岛和平、安全、繁荣和统一的长期目标来看,朴槿惠政府采取对朝新政及与国际社会一道构建与朝互信是明智而"有希望"的选择。     

国际项目融资中的环境争端及其解决——以新加坡丰益集团印尼棕榈油项目案为例

如何避免和解决国际项目融资中的环境争端,现已成为各国政府、投资方、项目所在地的当地社群以及国际组织等各方密切关注的问题。2007年新加坡丰益集团印尼棕榈油项目案受到了国际社会的高度关注。审查该案的是世界银行合规顾问/监察专署(CAO)。CAO允许可能受到项目直接影响的个人、社群或非政府组织就项目产生的社会和环境问题提出申诉。国际金融公司(IFC)的履行标准是CAO裁决的重要准据,而非政府组织的一些理念和准则也可能成为争端解决的依据。这使得私方在争端的进程和争端解决中占据着重要地位。投资东道国政府应考虑对相关的国内法规适时进行修改完善,同时关注非政府组织的动向,以免在争端发生时陷入被动。     

监察体制改革背景下村干部“微腐败”行为治理：成效与路径

村干部是区别于国家公务员的一个特殊群体,其亦官亦民的特征使其具有身份上的复合性,具有村民代理人、政府代理人和党的基层干部中的双重或三重身份。国家监察体制改革前,村干部监督机制存在制度性空白。长期游走在国家监察体系和党的纪律检查体系乃至国家法律体系中的灰色地带,是造成基层村干部“微腐败”现象易发多发且治理困难的重要原因之一。监察体制改革及《监察法》的实施,使村干部被纳入监察机关监督对象和监察职责范畴,对其腐败行为进行的专项治理和常规化治理取得了明显的成效。新时代,聚焦乡村振兴重点领域关键环节,找准监督发力点,必须坚持党建引领,加强党对农村工作的全面领导,要充分发挥纪检监察机关政治化动员机制优势,形成监督合力;完善纪法衔接、法法衔接,发挥党纪国法协同推进的共治效应;实现关口前移,更好运用监督执纪“四种形态”;加强小微权力监督管理,积极探索推广村级权力清单制度;深化标本兼治,一体推进“三不腐”体制机制建设。     

美国传媒眼中的伊拉克战争:批评报道角度的考察

本文从“嵌入式报道规则”入手,对美国政府在伊拉克战争期间对新闻报道所采取的管制措施、战争期间美国政府同媒体的关系、美国媒体对伊拉克战争的报道、传媒所显现的新的特点等问题进行了探讨。文章认为,伊战期间的嵌入式报道具有不同于以往美国对外战争的随军报道的一些特点,如:记者全程固定,介入程度较深;反应迅速,利用高科技手段;不仅记者数量众多,而且允许反战国家传媒随行;开放程度较高。文章还认为,尽管有大量负面批评报道,但传媒在政府一意孤行走向战争之路时并非毫无责任。     

欧盟监察专员制度的产生及运作

以丹麦监察专员制度为蓝本,吸收和借鉴欧洲诸国监察专员制度百余年来的运作经验,为监督欧盟机构和部门实施良好的行政和保障欧洲公民权的实现,欧盟建立了目前世界上惟一的超国家的监察专员制度——欧盟监察专员制度。本文将从它的产生历史、运作状况和发展前景等方面来对这一独特的制度作一初步描述。     

美国情报界的监察长情报监督机制

美国的情报监督机制可分为外部监督和内部监督两部分,情报界的监察长监督机制是内部监督机制的重要组成部分。经过美国国会的努力,美国情报界现已构建了以情报界监察长为首、情报界各机构的监察长为成员、情报界监察长论坛为协调工具的情报界监察长内部监督机制。该机制具有法治化、专业化和相对独立的特点,但存在监督效率不高、对检举人保护不力等问题,尚未达到其设立之初的预定目标和国会的期望。"斯诺登事件"发生后,美国国会试图进一步推动情报界内部监察长监督机制的法治化进程,以期完善该机制,但美国总统所代表的行政部门就此问题与国会展开了激烈的博弈。     

韩国发展动漫产业的政策措施评析

作为创意产业的典型代表，动漫产业对现代社会有着广泛而深刻的经济文化渗透力，并被认为是现代社会的“无烟工业”、21世纪的朝阳产业。借鉴当今世界动漫大国的成功经验对推动当前我国动漫产业的发展有着重要的意义。本文在阐述韩国动漫产业发展历史背景与现状的基础上，认为韩国动漫产业的迅猛发展得益于政府在法规政策制定、组织机构建设、市场管理、人才培养等方面所作的努力。     

论新加坡电子支付体系的法律监管及其启示

新加坡《支付体系监督法》为新加坡电子支付体系提供了一个统一而明确的法律监管框架,尤其着重于对被指定的重要支付系统(DPS)和储值类支付工具(SVF)的监管。在监管理念上,该法体现了法律监管与行业创新的平衡,一般监管与特殊监管的结合,宏观监管与微观监管的配合,以及监管权力与被监管者权利的兼容。我国应借鉴新加坡的经验,构建统一的支付体系监管法,确定监管重点,完善监管方式。     

A war of perception: the struggle for legitimacy,influence and power through media in post-2001 Afghanistan

The international community and the Afghan government tout the expansion of domestic media in post-2001 Afghanistan as an indication of progress. However, much of Afghan media has been appropriated by powerful ex-warlords to expand their influence and maintain their grip on power. Jamiat-e Islami and Hezb-e Islami – former jihadist groups who continue to wield considerable political influence within the country – are fierce rivals currently wielding their affiliated media outlets to wage a propaganda war against each other. Each seeks to justify its own right to power and to delegitimize the opponent – ratcheting up tension in a country whose future after 2014 remains precarious and uncertain. This study examines the media campaign of each group, analyzing the salient narratives in their media messages, the intended audiences of these narratives, and what the narratives tell us about the intents and concerns of each group.     

习近平关于高压反腐重要论述的理论内涵与实践成效

习近平关于高压反腐重要论述有着丰富的理论内涵,其核心涵盖了从严治党、有贪必肃、筑牢防线、标本兼治,把权力关进制度的笼子里等内容。党的十八大以来,习近平高压反腐重要论述在实践中取得了卓越成效,党内法规日益完善、党风逐渐好转,反腐败的方式方法得到创新、巡视工作不断加强,国际追逃追赃工作取得了令人瞩目的成就,反腐败斗争取得了压倒性胜利。当然我们决不能因为胜利就可以松口气,从严治党永远在路上。未来要继续深入贯彻习近平关于高压反腐重要论述,需要一体推进不敢腐、不能腐、不想腐的长效机制,进一步强化对“一把手”的监督,制度治党与思想教育相结合,党内监督与党外监督相结合。     

抗争的动力:新媒体与缅甸的民主化

自从2007年以来,缅甸社会政治发生了很大变化,其中新媒体起了很关键的作用。在2007年"藏红花"革命和2008年纳吉斯风灾中,缅甸人民利用互联网、移动电话等新媒体技术向世界传递了政府镇压和掩盖的真相。缅甸军人政府也明显感到了新媒体技术对其统治的压力,因此在2010年缅甸大选之前,严格控制国内的互联网。新媒体技术的出现虽然没有导致缅甸社会权力结构发生实质性的变化,但是新媒体技术打破了原来军政府对信息的封锁,逐渐促进了缅甸的民主化进程。     

Regulating for media pluralism and the pitfalls of standortpolitik: the reregulation of German broadcasting ownership rules

Germany has witnessed a veritable television boom over the last ten years. However, the plethora of new private channels masks an underlying duopoly, a concentration of media power that has not been prevented by an elaborate system of regulation. This article maps these developments, particularly the Lander competition for investment, the structural power of the media industry, and the emergence of a media policy ‘Grand Coalition’ between SPD North Rhine‐Westphalia and CSU Bavaria. It assesses the Federal Constitutional Court's role and highlights the public broadcasters’ crucial function to act as a pluralistic counterbalance in the dual public/private broadcasting system.     

东南亚国家核能发展战略与新动向分析

随着国际油价不断上涨以及能源需求的日渐扩大,东南亚国家将目光转向了核能,泰国、印尼、越南、马来西亚、菲律宾、缅甸甚至柬埔寨等国都相继提出了核能发展战略,并计划于2015年建成东南亚第一座核电站。但这些国家对核能的监管等能力受到东盟内外的质疑,尤其是日本福岛核电站危机后,东盟国家的核能开发战略以及与此相关的环境安全等问题引起全球的关注。东盟国家的核能开发战略可能放缓,但这些国家的核能开发计划不会完全停止。     

The Paradox of the State-Run Media Promoting Poor Governance in China: Case Studies of a Party Newspaper and an Anticorruption Film

ABSTRACT

This essay draws on the analysis of media texts and ethnographic fieldwork to present case studies of the production, distribution, and consumption of two kinds of media products in China that are used for educating cadres about official policies, law and morality, namely, a Party-produced prefectural newspaper and an anticorruption film. Such pedagogic media products merit study because they are consumed by a huge audience of cadres who are entrusted with interpreting and implementing state policy and with carrying out the daily work of the different institutions that make up the Party-state. The case studies show that the internal circulation of pedagogic media products within the Party-state apparatus works in two ways to reinforce “organizational involution,” which causes poor governance. First, the content of the media products and their methods of distribution buttress the norms and institutional practices that entrench unchallenged power, corruption, and official malfeasance within the system. Examples include the role of top-down administrative fiat in determining the content of the media products and the ways in which individuals and institutions are compelled to purchase materials and participate in pedagogic activities to secure their positions. Second, state pedagogy deflects attention away from the structural failings of the Party-state system. The pedagogic products enable the Party-state to portray itself as the leading crusader in the fight against corruption, despite the corrupting consequences of its continuing unsupervised monopoly on power. Meanwhile, self-improvement exhortations in the media texts sidestep the question of systemic political reform.     

Poderes fácticos mediáticos: una agenda de investigación

Based on the recognition of the importance of the commonly referred to as factual powers in Mexico’s political life, and specifically in the media power, the author calls upon our attention the insufficient analysis and research on the subject and underscores the need to overcome this deficit by systematically and rigorously approaching it as a subject of inquiry and as part of a research agenda. This article brings to the fore the basic points of such an agenda and proposes a multidisciplinary analytical approach to develop it. The author argues that the studies’ findings can be applied to constructing limits for the exercise of media power, which are indispensable for national democratic development.     

Broadcasting agitainment: a new media strategy of Putin’s third presidency

This article argues that accounts of the Russian media system that tend to view the time from Vladimir Putin’s rise to power in 2000 as a single homogenous period do not capture major qualitative shifts in state-controlled media coverage. By analyzing the output of Russia’s two main television channels during Putin’s third presidential term, we identify a range of distinctly new features that amount to a new media strategy. This involves a significant increase in the coverage of political issues through the replacement of infotainment with what we term agitainment—an ideologically inflected content that, through adapting global media formats to local needs, attempts to appeal to less engaged and even sceptical viewers. Despite the tightening of political control over the media following the annexation of Crimea, the new strategy paradoxically has strengthened the constitutive role played by the state-controlled broadcasters in the articulation of official discourse.     

Media freedom in Malaysia

This article discusses the contemporary issue of media freedom in Malaysia. First, it discusses the concept of freedom of the press and determines which theories, Libertarian, Social Responsibility, or Authoritarian, are suitable in the context of analysing the real situation of media freedom in Malaysia. Second, by using the list of media freedom criteria from the Department of Journalistic Studies, Missouri University, US, analysis has been done to measure the situation of media freedom in Malaysia. Third, the article tries to show the latest movements and lobbies internally and externally in supporting the media freedom in Malaysia. To conclude the current situation, the Malaysian government has restricted media freedom for the purpose of national security and political stability. However, this article clearly shows that media in Malaysia has been controlled by the government and media companies associated with government leaders for political survivability of ruling government party and leaders to hold the power.