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新经济政策时期是苏俄社会组织发展的"黄金时代"。苏维埃国家在这一时期探索建立社会组织管理体制。1921年3月-1924年5月,社会组织管理体制初创,建立了宪法框架下社会组织部分自治的管理体制。从1924年5月至1928年2月,随着在经济领域运用市场经济机制措施的收缩,开始构建苏共主导型的社会组织管理体制。1930 年 8 月通过了关于社会组织的新的条例,明确地将社会组织的宗旨与苏联社会主义的战略目标联系在一起。该条例的颁布和实行,标志着宪法框架下部分自治的管理体制终结,苏共主导型的社会组织管理体制确立。新经济政策时期社会组织管理体制的初创与确立,是年轻的苏维埃国家摸索和建立治理国家模式,从相对分权到中央集权的一个缩影和组成部分。  相似文献   

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张丹 《俄罗斯研究》2012,(3):126-143
战时共产主义时期,受马克思主义理论和直接过渡思想的影响,苏维埃政府颁布了集中化的住房管理政策,试图迅速改善劳动群众的居住条件,一举解决住房危机。然而在实践中,因为国家无法独自挑起解决住房危机的重担,以及住房管理的责权关系不明确等原因,集中化住房管理体制既无法有效管理住房,也不能整治战争对住房事业造成的创伤和解决住房危机。到了新经济政策时期,为了继续解决住房短缺问题,苏维埃政府调整了住房管理政策,住房管理体制由国家集中管理向国家、集体和个人分散管理转型。分散化住房管理方式取得了积极成效,城市居民的居住条件得到了初步改善。  相似文献   

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The New Zealand economy before the election of the Fourth Labour Government in 1984 is often portrayed as something not only highly regulated — but as something uniquely so amongst developed nations, with a stagnant economy declining in the post‐war era and nearing collapse by the 1984 election — the Polish shipyard. We show that New Zealand was not overly‐regulated by the standards of the time, with many of its policies reflecting development elsewhere; it was generally liberalising in the post‐war era and its economic decline and supposed collapse have been considerably overstated. This invented history gave impetus to radical economic reform after 1984 by framing the apparently failed and bizarre past as forcing inevitable solutions. It is an important constraint on policy‐making in New Zealand, allowing policy to develop only along certain “appropriate” paths. It provided cohesion for policy makers in the face of less than certain results and harnessed emotional and intellectual energy towards the free‐market quest, while legitimating certain policy directions and de‐legitimating others.  相似文献   

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简论新经济安全观   总被引:6,自引:0,他引:6  
贯彻落实中共十六大和十六届三中全会关于维护国家经济安全的指示精神,必须适应经济全球化和科技进步加快的新形势,创立新经济安全观.新经济安全观,是对新形势下国家经济安全问题的根本态度和观点,是对客观的经济安全状态的综合反映,是系统化、理论化的经济安全观念.其具体内涵丰富而复杂,具有综合性、国际性之特点,金融安全是核心,产业安全是根基,发展是出发点和归宿.我国应该制定和实施"发展型"安全战略,在国民经济的持续健康发展中维护经济安全.  相似文献   

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The 2000 presidential election of opposition candidate Vicente Fox signaled an end to seven decades of Mexico's single-party regime and seemed to herald the advent of truly competitive politics. But by 2003, economic reform had largely stalled, and Fox's party suffered a historically unprecedented midterm' loss in the congress. This article analyzes the underpinnings of policy gridlock in the Fox administration. Fox inherited the need for microeconomic restructuring and increased competitiveness, more innovative and pragmatic state policies, the need to pay attention to the country's sharp income inequalities, and the challenge of crafting a political strategy that could build a middle ground and foster policy consensus. With his party's minority standing in the congress, Fox was constrained from the start by divided government. But more effective statecraft and coalition building would have helped. These will be essential elements for the success of any post-Fox regime.  相似文献   

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全球化与建立国际经济新秩序   总被引:8,自引:0,他引:8  
目前的经济全球化具有非均衡的特性.在全球化进程中,发展中国家与发达国家两类不同的经济体在地位、作用和经济收益等方面都有着悬殊的差别,存在着较严重的不平等问题.不平等问题的产生,主要根源于现今仍然存在的国际经济旧秩序.出于维护自身根本利益的需要,发展中国家在参与全球化进程时,应当继续加强团结与合作,着力推动新的国际经济制度体系的建立,争取成为经济全球化规则的参与者与制定者.  相似文献   

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国际经济新秩序的构建与发展中国家   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
本文从国际经济秩序的特征及其形成过程出发 ,全面分析了现行国际经济秩序的不公正性及其对发展中国家的影响 ,并在此基础上论述了建立国际经济新秩序的目标、基本内容、途径及艰巨性。  相似文献   

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经济全球化浪潮下的中国新移民   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
20世纪70年代末兴起了中国新移民潮.在经济全球化的推动下,移民人口持续大幅度增长,主要分布在发达国家.在经济、科技等方面,他们对中国和移入国均发挥了重要作用,也对中外交流与合作发挥了独特的作用.  相似文献   

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In May 2001, a cabinet crisis management center was set up below the prime minister's new official residence. It is from here that Japan's national crises are now to be managed. In an era of constant flux, questions over the circumstances surrounding Japan's strategic security are being raised. Clearly, the structure of crisis management and legislation are crucial for a nation'ssecurity. In this article, Lt. Gen. Toshiyuki Shikata of the Japan Ground Self-Defense Force (retired) and professor of Law at Teikyo University, examines 30 international and domestic crises that Japan had to deal with in which the leadership of the prime minister determined the outcome. He describes the history of Japanese crisis management, pointing out the current problems and argues that in a post-Cold War era, Japan needs to confront the discrepancies in the structure of its security if it wishes to become a credible member of the international community.  相似文献   

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经济全球化的新特征及中国的对策   总被引:9,自引:0,他引:9  
卢新德 《当代亚太》2003,1(5):22-28
随着世界生产力和生产关系的发展和矛盾运动 ,信息化、数字化、网络化已经成为经济全球化的新特征 ,市场化把全球各经济体更加紧密地联结在一起。经济全球化的新特征 ,使收益分配更加不公 ,导致了世界经济发展不平衡的加剧。我国应有条件地参与经济全球化 ,趋利避害 ,合理利用国际市场和国际资源 ,促进经济发展  相似文献   

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《German politics》2013,22(3):191-206
Germany experienced economic malaise in the 1990s, raising the question of whether or not the political system is capable of reform. The reactions of the political parties to economic problems demonstrate an enduring set of norms about economic policy which include a generous social welfare system and an emphasis on co-operation between business and labour. However, there is a general agreement about the need for policy reform, and recent moves by the Red-Green coalition indicate a willingness to undertake significant steps towards a slightly more pluralist and liberal set of policies. The dynamic of party politics over the last decade indicate a mature, stable political system capable of reform.  相似文献   

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In Downs' median voter theorem parties can only increase their vote by changing their policies and moving towards the electoral centre ground. This theorem has been used to sustain a particular and, I will argue, one-sided interpretation of New Labour's actions and political trajectory. There is more to An Economic Theory of Democracy than the median voter theorem. Downs argues that voters and parties operate in conditions of uncertainty and that this gives parties the opportunity to persuade voters to revise their beliefs. Parties can win elections not only by changing their policies but by changing voters' minds. Downs' arguments about persuasion can be used to generate an alternative and very different interpretation of New Labour.  相似文献   

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The article explains the Argentine-Chinese economic relations and identifies the interest’s network with the ongoing modernization processes in both countries. It can be observed that harmony is more important than discord when Argentina accepts the new China’s international division of labor, but when Argentina tends to consolidate the process of economic de-primarization, tensions between both countries tend to emerge. The crisis about crude soybean oil in 2010 is the clearest example to illustrate that trade tensions between both countries will be most frequent if Argentine industrialization continues and the process of policy coordination fails.  相似文献   

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