The PLA and Diplomacy: unraveling myths about the military role in foreign policy making

The PLA's role in Beijing's foreign policy-making process is a closed book but it is a key research topic in our study of Chinese diplomacy. This paper argues that generally the PLA abides by a fine division of labor with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MoFA) in managing Beijing's international pursuits. The civilians are in charge of China's generic foreign affairs and daily diplomacy. The Central Military Commission (CMC) is responsible for security/military-related foreign affairs and defines the bottom-line for employing force in conflicts. Institutionally the PLA's role is more directional than detailed and is often behind the scenes. This complicates our research of the subject matter, as the line between this division of labor is thin over many diplomatic issues. Often times it is hard to demarcate where Beijing's normal diplomacy ends and where security/military dynamics begin. This paper adopts a two-layered analysis on civil–military interaction on foreign and security affairs: the broad consensus of CCP–PLA leaders on CCP regime stability at a time of drastic domestic change and world pressure; and the PLA's directional role in China's security/military-related foreign affairs under a generic civilian guidance.     

China’s National Security Commission: theory,evolution and operations

The establishment of the National Security Commission (NSC) of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is a major regrouping of the top CCP power structure, a ‘New Deal’ in Xi Jinping’s endeavor to revitalize China. In full operation it will reshape Beijing’s national security (NS) decision-making process concerning the formulation of national security strategies, crisis management at home and abroad, coordination of national security policies and actions by Party/army/state agencies and institutional links with its foreign national security counterparts. This article argues that the NSC will primarily address the Party’s internal security concerns, which is the key link to its efforts to strike a new balance between various security typologies. It analyses Beijing’s securitization guidance and practice and constructs its organizational structure and functions.     

Xi Jinping and the National Security Commission: policy coordination and political power

This article discusses the rationale for, and progress to date of, creating a National Security Commission in China, a move first announced in late 2013. Central impulses for the Commission's establishment are to help better coordinate a very fragmented bureaucracy and to advance Xi Jinping's drive to consolidate his personal power over the internal and external coercive and diplomatic arms of the governing structure. The Commission is a work in progress and its full institutional maturation will take a protracted period. In the midst of the Commission's construction, there is considerable confusion among subordinates in the foreign policy and security areas about lines of authority and ultimate objectives. Beyond Xi Jinping, it is difficult to discern an authoritative voice. It is an open question as to whether this institutional attempt to achieve coordination will improve, or further complicate, China's long-standing coordination problem, some recent foreign policy achievements notwithstanding. The Commission's focus is heavily weighted toward internal and periphery security, but it also is an institution-building response to new global and transnational issues. It is not self-evident that Xi, or any single individual, can effectively manage the span of control he is constructing.     

Viewing a Changing World from the PRC Embassy Window in Washington DC

This is the first chapter from the author's book (in Chinese), The Inside Stories of China-US Diplomacy after Tiananmen . With the benefit of an insider's knowledge, Chen explains the Chinese government's perceptions, motivations and policy-making during this tumultuous period. The book reveals many stories about Deng Xiaoping and other Chinese leaders' thoughts, and policy decisions, as well as the role of the PRC embassy in Washington, in dealing with the United States and the changing world situation; much of these processes remain unknown to the outside world today. A highly renowned political commentator, Chen also makes profound analyses in the book based on his own observations and judgment. It is a path-breaking and unique book on China's foreign policy-making in that critical historical moment, written by an experienced former PRC diplomat. It will be of practical interest to anyone in the US policy community seeking to understand how personalities, perceptions, and institutions interact to produce Chinese foreign policy behavior.     

Domestic Institutional Constraints on China's Leadership in East Asian Economic Cooperation Mechanisms

The study of Chinese foreign policy has long shown that domestic politics and domestic constraints are sources of foreign policy, albeit generally considered less potent than ideology and interests. Domestic political constraints should also be explored as factors in Chinese regional policies toward East Asia, including regional economic institutions. This paper examines three domestic institutional constraints on regional foreign policy in the area of trade and economics: a fragmented decision-making structure that has difficulty with coordination, a relatively heavy reliance on top level decision-makers at a time when issues of Asian economic policy have relatively low priority for these same decision-makers, and the relatively extreme lack of autonomy for negotiators vis-á-vis top decision-makers in Beijing. These constraints are by any means unique to China. However, at a time when many observers and participants are expecting—indeed, often hoping for—Chinese leadership in the region, the paper posits that these constraints hinder the PRC's ability to fill this role. The key empirical focus is regional trade agreements and regional economic organizations.     

论我国反垄断执法中反垄断执法机构与行业监管机构的协调

反垄断的执法机构一直是我国反垄断立法的焦点问题之一，本文通过对目前反垄断法草案和国外相关立法实践的分析，试图在反垄断执法机构与行业监管机构的关系协调方面进行一些有益的探索。     

Media and Chinese Foreign Policy

In recent years, the relationship between the media and the foreign policy-making process in China has become more interactive and even a typical symbiosis. This paper attempts to conduct preliminary research on this very dynamic and changing relationship in the context of Sino–Japan relations. It argues that the Chinese media helps shape the agenda for foreign policy makers, narrow down the set of policy options, change the pace of policy making and implementation, and influence the direction of the final decision. Yet more often than not, the government still controls and regulates the reporting by the media on foreign policy issues. Once the media is perceived as going too far, the government never hesitates to rein it in through various internal and external mechanisms.     

俄罗斯大部制改革及其评析

俄罗斯从2003年至2008年进行了一场以联邦权力执行机构大部制和行政三分制改革为核心内容的行政改革运动,这是俄罗斯自上世纪九十年代初转轨以来在政治和行政管理领域最重要的事件之一。本文运用中外最新的资料和数据全面、细致地描述了俄罗斯俄罗斯大部制改革的过程和制度安排,深入分析了改革的效果及其背后的原因,并结合我国的实际情况提出了推进大部制改革需要注意的几个问题。     

E-Government:Open,Approachable Government Websites

The Chinese government is in the throes of transforming its role from that of an administrative bureaucracy to a service provider.The Internet,as a relatively new form of media readily accessible to the public,has given impetus to this transformation process.     

试论转型时期的大众传媒与公共政策

我国大众传媒在政策过程中担当着议题建构者、民意代言人、政策宣讲者及监督者的角色。但是不论是从参与政策过程的范围,还是从政策过程中发挥的作用来说,它都只是有限度的参与政策过程。随着我国社会转型的推进,处在行政隶属关系与市场利益机构双重利益结构制约之中的大众传媒,也面临着从高度政治化和组织化的传媒体制和传统向企业经营模式与理念的变迁,在技术、经济、社会和政治层面都发生了巨大的变化,客观上也促进了我国公共政策制定过程中的科学化与民主化水平。     

美国联邦禁毒执法机构的演变及其影响力探析——从“联邦麻醉品局”到“联邦缉毒署”

美国毒品控制史可主要分为＂古典时期（Classic Era）＂与＂毒品战争（War on Drugs）＂时期①。＂联邦麻醉品局＂与＂联邦缉毒署＂则是这两个不同毒品控制时代的代表性执法机构,二者既有历史的连带性,又富有特殊的时代特色。不同时期的法理依据及其所处时代的美国内政外交因素在不同程度上左右了二者的地位与影响力变化。联邦禁毒执法机构的历史性演变,一方面显示了美国毒品控制的曲折进程,另一方面也展现了不同时期执法机构存在的必然性以及各自的能动作用。     

欧盟的决策机制:机构、权限与程序

欧盟的决策机制是指欧盟在决策过程中各机构之间形成的协同制约关系。欧盟由欧共体、共同外交和安全政策以及司法与内务合作三大支柱组成,它们分别实施不同的决策机制。本文详细介绍了三大支柱各自的决策机构、决策权限、决策程序,分析了欧盟决策机制的特点,认为欧盟决策机制的演变反映了欧洲一体化的历史进程及欧盟本身独特的组织范型。同时,本文也指出,欧盟决策机制的运作受政府间会议和各种委员会等非决策机构的影响很大,欧盟的决策实际上是决策机构和非决策机构共同参与的结果。     

国外大部制梳理与借鉴

大部制是市场经济发达国家普遍采用的一种政府组织模式。与传统的"小部制"相比,大部制具有明显的比较优势。国外组建大部门的一般规律是,先在同领域整合,后向跨领域整合扩展;政务类部门多为同领域的大部,经济和社会类部门多为跨领域的大部;谁与谁组合无一定之规,关键是职能相互融合。部门内部的机构重组也是大部制改革的重要内容,国外的流行趋势是实行决策与执行分开,设立各种形式的执行机构,具体可分为5种模式。     

Transforming China's Banks: the IFC's experience

China's progress in fixing its banking system has surprised observers. Successful experiments, some of them involving foreign investors, have emerged in China to deal with the problems of the banking system. The International Finance Corporation (IFC), the private sector arm of the World Bank Group, has played an active role in piloting some of these approaches in close cooperation with the regulator and other strategic investors. In the period 1995–2000, IFC's strategy was to work with one or two banks to help improve their governance and skills. The idea was to create some model banks which could be emulated by others and used by the regulators to introduce modern banking practices. Once the corporate governance and business practices of these banks improved, then the IFC was able to attract foreign banks to invest in these banks. These investments encouraged other foreign banks to consider taking minority stakes in the smaller banks. The success of these experiments gave confidence to the Chinese authorities to open up the big state-owned banks for foreign investment and encouraged big international banks to invest large sums of money to take minority stakes in the big banks. While progress in reform has been remarkable, the real and sustainable transformation of the Chinese banks is far from over and will be a lengthy process. Significant challenges such as improving corporate governance and credit risk management remain. Despite the significant opening of the banking system to foreign direct investment, foreign ownership in the Chinese banking system remains low by international standards. Even with existing limitations on foreign ownership, foreign strategic investors are contributing to the transformation of Chinese banks and their role remains highly relevant for the continued reform of the Chinese banking system.     

China's Foreign Military Relations with Asia‐Pacific

The People's Liberation Army has always had a significant role in shaping and implementing the People's Republic of China's foreign policies. Over the past two decades, the PLA's role has increased considerably, and is likely to become even more important in the future as China develops its military capabilities and casts a broader shadow in the Asia‐Pacific region. The PLA's foreign relations program has several goals: to shape the international security environment in support of key Chinese national security objectives; to improve political and military relations with foreign countries; to enhance China's military and defense industry modernization; to provide military assistance to countries in the developing world; and, to acquire knowledge in modern military doctrine, operations, training, military medicine, administration, and a host of non-combat related areas. The PLA seeks to accomplish these goals through its military attache´ offices abroad and the use of an elaborate system of bilateral exchanges. Of these programs, the most visible relations involve high-level visits, functional exchanges, arms purchases, and ship visits.     

Patterns and Dynamics of China's International Strategic Behaviour

The acceptance and promotion of partnerships among major countries reflect an attempt on the part of China to re-define its position in the new international strategic pattern. They also reveal a strategic idea offered by China in the post-Cold War era in which it is emerging as a major power. The key questions are as follows. (a) What are the contents of such partnerships among major powers? (b) What are the differences between this partnership model among major powers and the Chinese foreign policy of independence and peace in the 1980s? (c) What are the motivations behind China's promotion of this model of partnerships among major powers? (d) Does the new model of partnerships among the major powers provide an important innovation in the management of relations among the major powers in the coming century? This article attempts to answer these questions so as to better understand China's international strategic behaviour patterns in the post-Cold War era, the inner logic of partnership relationships, and the trends of China's international strategy in the coming century.     

与大部门共生的独立机构——以贸促机构为例

本文以西方发达国家(地区)贸易促进机构为具体案例,说明在西方行政管理体制改革的过程中,负责执行政府政策或法律、负责监管的独立机构所体现出来的公共治理结构中的多元化、社会化和市场化的趋势。这些独立机构和负责决策的大部门相互分工,相辅相成,共同构成政府公共管理和服务的主体。此外,本文提出在完善我国大部制的过程中,有必要不遗余力地推进独立机构的建设,并且通过对我国贸促机构的分析,提出可以以贸促机构作为我国建立独立机构的试点。     

A Needs Assessment of Human Service Agencies in an Urban Community

Research and interventions aimed at maximizing the impact and organizational effectiveness of human service agencies, as well as the system of agencies in a community, could have far reaching effects on the large number of individuals served by these agencies. But prior to any type of active intervention it is imperative to document the needs and resources of these agencies. The present study was conducted to better understand (1) the functioning of individual agencies, (2) their role in the human service community, (3) the general workings of the urban human service community prior to any type of intervention, and (4) to provide a baseline to monitor changes in the human service community. Ninety-two nonprofit human service agencies were surveyed in an urban setting. The results indicated that agency administrators were deeply concerned about funding problems, issues of accountability, and personnel concerns while reporting staff expertise, public relations, and efficient use of resources as agency strengths. Suggestions for interventions centered on using various agency strengths, as well as other community experts, to assist human service agencies. Special areas of concern were preventing the discontinuation of services through agency closings and developing a "networking" approach to help agencies adapt to recent changes in social policy.     

适用不方便法院原则与国民待遇原则的冲突与协调——以跨国知识产权诉讼为视角

跨国知识产权诉讼是当今各国对知识产权进行国际保护的主要途径.如何在知识产权保护的国际诉讼中遵循国民待遇原则,是知识产权国际保护的关键.由于跨国知识产权诉讼的复杂性、新颖性以及相关立法的滞后,造成了法院在审理相关案件时为片面追求司法任务的简单化,往往会拒绝外国原告的诉讼.不方便法院原则就成为拒绝当事人诉讼的最好理由,其中美国的做法最具有代表性.这与TRIPS协议等保护知识产权国际条约所确立的国民待遇原则相冲突.为给予国际知识产权流动以更多的保护与协调,各国应完善跨国知识产权管辖权体系,确立严格的适用不方便法院原则的标准.     

Achieving Effective Governance under Divided Government and Private Interest Group Pressure: Taiwan's 2001 Financial Holding Company Law

For emerging democracies, how to reach state–society equilibriums conducive to both democratization and effective governance has been a most challenging issue. Illustrating such a predicament, in present-day Taiwan a situation of ‘divided government’ has been widely regarded in the literature as implying frequent legislative–executive stalemate and ineffective governance. In this article, we argue that while power games among the three conventional branches of government—the executive, legislature, and judiciary—may continue to produce a governmental stalemate equilibrium, the entry of increasingly important media and interest group players into the policy-making arena in Taiwan has shown strong potential to make up for the institutional failing of divided government. Drawing on the adoption process of the 2001 Financial Holding Company Law, we examine the conditions under which effective governance can still be achieved in Taiwan. Our analysis shows that concerted media pressure can succeed in forcing Taiwan's major parties to jointly pursue beneficial legislation. The analysis also suggests that interest group involvement in Taiwanese policy-making does not necessarily lead to crippling ‘regulatory capture’ but, on the contrary, can entail welfare enhancing change.