首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
相似文献
 共查询到18条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
1.
Yixin Chen 《当代中国》1999,8(21):219-239
This paper examines why the socioeconomic life of China's Red Guards generation has been difficult in both Mao's time and in the post‐Mao reform era. It shows that Mao's Cultural Revolution destroyed the normalcy of society and prevented this generation from securing the life they expected. When reform moved China toward a market economy, their past misfortunes produced their present disadvantages. Their limited education disqualified them from the opportunities of employment and career promotion; their protracted sent‐down to the countryside postponed their marriage and normal social life; and their longtime economic hardships debilitated their market competitiveness. Mao's revolution made them ill‐prepared for the coming economic liberty, yet the post‐Mao reform, instead of compensating them for their distress, left them behind when it pursued market efficiency.  相似文献   

2.
Fuk-Tsang Ying 《当代中国》2014,23(89):884-901
After the establishment of the People's Republic of China (PRC) in 1949, the state–church relationship in China entered a new phase. This article, which is substantially based on party reports and archival documents, attempts to reconstruct and assess the party-state's policy on Protestant Christianity from 1949 until the eve of the Anti-Rightist Movement in 1957. The focus is not on the repeated dichotomy between ‘state’ and ‘religion’ but explores multiplicity and interaction as two possible aspects of the church–state relationship. The article investigates the following questions: what were the factors influencing the formation and development of the Communist Party of China's (CPC) policy on Protestant Christianity after the establishment of the PRC? Were there multiple actors within the party-state and Protestant Christianity? What kinds of relationships existed between the party-state and Protestant Christianity? Particular attention is given to how the CPC chose between ‘struggle’ (douzheng) and ‘unity’ (tuanjie) when dealing with Protestant Christianity under ideological constraints and complex political situations.  相似文献   

3.
ChineseWeekend:TheLongandtheShortofItAllworkandnoplaymadeChineseworkersdull-andtired,andunproductive.Alittleextratimeoffhasbe...  相似文献   

4.
Shufang Wu 《当代中国》2014,23(89):971-991
The revival of Confucianism in the first decade of the twenty-first century is a political phenomenon that cannot be ignored with regard to its social influence and the particular meaning it has brought to China. However, so far, there has not been much academic research into the political reasons for this revival at a deeper level. Based on the 228 articles published in the People's Daily in the years between 2000 and 2009, a content analysis is conducted on how Confucianism was represented in this authoritative official medium. The examination of the role that Confucianism plays in the construction of the socialist ‘advanced culture’ provides a clear lens to observe the role of Confucianism in the Chinese political ideology, which is still rooted and based on Marxism–Leninism. This research is aimed at clarifying how Confucianism was pragmatically promoted by the government of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) with the purpose of securing its cultural leadership. This state-led promotion reveals the vulnerability of the political status of Confucianism in contemporary China and its unsecured future.  相似文献   

5.
吻而ons of the Genen月O衍ce oft址Council ons比n目Lhening the从lort of山eGn场s一roots】才velinRura1A犯as〔池n甘al Committee of the Cl芡:胡d the Gene阁O币沈of the State功甲mving the party,sw。浅Style and Bull血9 aCleanGov~tat H。叭滩小h。吐TalkswithLIU七ra  相似文献   

6.
Donglin Han 《当代中国》2013,22(84):1106-1123
This paper will study one of the unique population movements in modern history: the circular movement of students and trainees between China and the Soviet Union from 1950 to 1966. This population movement includes more than 38,000 Chinese who were trained by the leading Soviet Union industrial enterprises, research centers and institutions of higher learning. These returned students and trainees from the Soviet Union captured a considerable number of prominent positions in the Chinese leadership from the 1980s to the 1990s. The explanation of their political impact relies on the domestic country's politics and international context.  相似文献   

7.
THERE are few people in Chinese history whose fame, be it for reasons of heroism or infamy, has lasted over centuries. He Shen is a name enshrined in ill fame. It is recorded that in 1799, when He Shen was brought to justice and his house searched, his ho…  相似文献   

8.
China scholars have examined the ‘China threat’ theory from various theoretical perspectives, offered a range of explanations for the theory's emergence and forecast the potential implications for US–China relations. However, few scholars have empirically studied the ‘China threat’ theory through the lens of the US media. This is a critical oversight, because the media plays a pivotal role in shaping US public opinion and US foreign policy, and the media is a key channel for ‘China threat’ dissemination and popularization. This study seeks to redress this oversight by empirically examining ‘China threat’ coverage in the US print media over a 15-year period from 1992 to 2006. We use content-analysis methodology to systematically collect, code and analyze ‘China threat’ data from five major US newspapers and to track the frequency and content of this coverage over time.

Our analysis reveals many interesting patterns in ‘China threat’ media coverage. First, the initial emergence of ‘China threat’ arguments in the US print media corresponded with the sharp upward turn in China's economic growth rates in the early 1990s. However, since the early 1990s, ‘China threat’ coverage has not mirrored China's steady growth. Rather, the media coverage was cyclic, featuring three key peaks (1996, 2000 and 2005) followed by subsequent declining interest. Second, our analysis reveals that the focus of these stories also varied over time. Perceptions of China as a political/ideological threat dominated media coverage in the earlier years (1992–1994) but steadily declined after 1995 and totally disappeared from the US print media after 2001. Perceptions of China as a military/strategic threat replaced political/ideological concerns in 1995, and the military focus has dominated media coverage ever since. Perceptions of China as an economic/trade threat persisted steadily throughout the 15-year time period with a clear uptick in recent years. We conclude this analysis by turning to the literature on realism, agenda setting and information processing to offer possible explanations for these empirical trends.  相似文献   


9.
Timothy Grose 《当代中国》2015,24(91):101-118
This Xinjiang Class is a four-year, national-level boarding school program established by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in the year 2000. The overarching aim of the program is clear: the CCP intends to train a core group of young Uyghurs who have internalized the ideals of the Party. This article, which is based on interviews and regular interaction with over 60 graduates of the Xinjiang Class, casts doubt on whether the boarding schools have been effective in ‘interpellating’ young Uyghurs as compliant members of the Chinese Nation (Zhonghua minzu). This article contends that Uyghur graduates of the Xinjiang Class have instead embraced a non-Chinese ethno-national identity—an identity bound by Central Asian and Islamic cultural norms—and have largely rejected the Zhonghua minzu identity.  相似文献   

10.
FOR most Chinese of a certain age, Ying Ruocheng should be familiar. Their f irst connection to him might be his role in Lao She's classic play Teahouse at the Bei-jing People's Art Theater.  相似文献   

11.
《人权》2017,(4)
The concept of a Community with a Shared Future for Mankind provides new theoretical support for the special protection of the rights of persons with disabilities. The Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities is innovative in terms of its purposes and principles, logic and technology, and the actual implementation of the contracting parties, which is unique in the field of international human rights law. It is a "transcendental" interpretation of the concept of a community with a shared future for mankind and enhances the ethical values of international human rights law. The development of the cause of persons with disabilities in China is positively influenced by the values reflected in the concept of a community of shared Future for mankind and meanwhile highlights them, which provides "Chinese experiences" for the international cause of persons with disabilities.  相似文献   

12.
《人权》2020,(2)
Sexual harassment is a form of gender discrimination and gender-based violence.lt is a fundamental human right to be in a safe environment at work,free from violence and sexual harassment.The Beijing Platform for Action adopted by the Fourth United Nations World Conference on Women in 1995 strengthened the consensus that sexual harassment is violence against women.Sexual harassment in the workplace affects critical areas of concern in the Beijing Platform for Action,such as violence against women,women and economy, and human rights of women.This article reviews the progress and achievements of Chinese government in policy making,law improvement,administrative coordination and governance in the sexual harassment prevention in the workplace for the past 25 years,especially over the past five years.Through analyzing existing issues,this research puts forward measures and suggestions for improving the legal normative system,promoting the formation of joint efforts of different departments and enhancing the employer's initiative.The implementation of the Beijing Platform for Action should be accelerated so as to push for the improvement of sexual harassment prevention mechanism in the workplace and to promote the protection of women's rights and interests.  相似文献   

13.
《人权》2017,(1)
The discourse power over the right to development is the basis for value consensus and practical effect of the right to development. Over the three decades since the adoption of the United Nations' Declaration on the Right to Development, China has developed an innovative discourse system and practices on the right to development and contributed a series of original new concepts, new propositions and new ideas to the right, which may be generally summarized as ten major aspects: in terms of orientation, the right to development is a primary fundamental human right; in terms of the nature, the right to development is an essential requirement of socialism; in terms of strategy, the right to development is to be implemented through the strategy that "development is the primary task"; in terms of contents, we should realize the right to development integrating economy, politics, culture, society and ecological conservation; in terms of concept, we propose that people equally participate in the equal right to development; in terms of principle, we should stick to the people-centered orientation of the right to development; in terms of steps, we should enhance the right to development in the Chinese dream for the great revitalization of the Chinese Nation; in terms of focus, we should construct a fair social security system; in terms of method, we should promote the right to development by the idea and method of rule of law; in terms of ideas, we should guide the right to development by an innovative, coordinated, green, open and sharing outlook on development.  相似文献   

14.
《人权》2019,(5)
Conceptually, health is subjective, procedural and socially reliant.This three-fold nature determines the connotations of the right to health as well as the constraints thereof.The right to health encompasses both the right to freedom and social rights.The right to freedom in the context of health means that the state should respect the health status and choices of its citizens and trust that the people are able to optimize their health through their own efforts, whereas the right to basic healthcare services is an important component of the right to health from the perspective of social rights.The review system stipulated in administrative normative documents increases, to a certain degree, the possibility that citizens can realize their right to health.The right to health is constrained in three aspects: "precondition of the possible", concurrent requirements imposed by society and conflicts among basic rights.When there is financial restraint on what the state can afford, the right to health is constrained by limits to healthcare institutions and the provision of healthcare services.over-emphasis of individual responsibility on the part of the insured can possibly transform the right to health into an obligation to be healthy .  相似文献   

15.
《人权》2005,(2)
Fellow delegates,Comrades, May I extend my heartfelt greetings to the opening today of this the oretical forum on entry of human rights into the Constitu-tion and legal protection of human rights,which is being held jointly by the China Society for Human Rights Studies(CSHRS) and China Law Society (CLS). China has made tremendous achieve-ments in its human rights cause since the reform and opening-up began. What mer-its special mention is 2004's official entryof human rights into the C…  相似文献   

16.
As China’s active assertion of its claim to the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands has increasingly crowded the surrounding waters and airspace with military and paramilitary forces, the risk of a Sino–Japanese crisis has reached unprecedented heights. Neither side wants conflict, but the increased frequency and proximity at which vessels and aircraft encounter one another means that overall risk has grown proportionately. Were a miscalculation or even an unintended low-level incident to occur, de-escalation would hinge on each side’s respective internal crisis management capabilities and political leaders’ ability to communicate expeditiously. This article analyzes China’s side of the ledger. Specifically, it assesses the extent to which institutional reforms since the 2001 US–China EP-3 crisis have ameliorated longstanding weaknesses in China’s crisis management capabilities and its ability to communicate via hotlines with Japan. While significant issues and obstacles to further urgently needed improvements remain, with the establishment of a Central National Security Commission (CNSC) and other recent reforms, Beijing may finally be achieving modest improvements. Bilaterally, however, no Sino–Japanese crisis hotline exists to date.  相似文献   

17.
Fellow Council Members andguests, It has been five years sinceChina Friendship Foundation forPeace and Development(CFFPD) was created by theChinese People's Association forFriendship with Foreign Coun-tries (CPAFFC). Entrusted bythe Executive Council of CFFPD,I now submit a report to the Sec-ond Council Meeting being con-vened today for your examina-tion and approval.  相似文献   

18.
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号