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1.
翟崑 《瞭望》2006,(26)
胡锦涛主席6月17日出席亚洲相互协作与信任措施会议 (简称亚信会议)成员国领导人会议时,发表了题为“携手建设持久和平、共同繁荣的和谐亚洲”的演讲。舆论普遍认为,“和谐亚洲”是中国“和谐世界”思想的重要组成部分。要建设持久和平的“和谐亚洲”,建立胡锦涛主席提议的“亚洲新型安全机制”,首先要和谐参与目前存在的多个泛亚洲的安全对话与合作的平台。  相似文献   

2.
6月4日,在中亚国家哈萨克斯坦的前首都阿拉木图举行了“亚洲相互协作与信任措施会议”最高领导人会议。“亚信”16个成员国均派出了代表团参加会议,其中有10个国家的元首或政府首脑出席会议并发表了讲话。从本次会议的规模、所涉及的内容和取得的效果看,一个新的洲际安全与合作论坛在经过了十年的曲折与发展之后已基本成形。  相似文献   

3.
中国涉外经济发展取得了可喜成就,但同时面临着日益严峻的安全问题。习近平主席在亚信峰会上提出共同、综合、合作、可持续的新安全观,对于加强防范和应对中国涉外经济安全风险具有重大指导作用。我们应当在今后的涉外经济活动中,通过强化安全意识、完善相关法规、建立风险评估和预警体系等措施,使新安全观在中国涉外经济中得到落实与保障。  相似文献   

4.
<正>其一,对外战略新思想与时俱进、独领风骚。习近平今年一系列讲话,清晰地展现了中国对外战略的新思想。在中法建交50周年纪念大会演讲时指出:"中国这头狮子已经醒了,但这是一只和平的、可亲的、文明的狮子。""中国醒狮论"巧妙反驳了"中国威胁论",表明中国将坚持走和平发展道路。在联合国教科文组织总部演讲,阐述文明交流互鉴的三原则:多彩、平等、包容,首次系统提出了中国的"世界文明观"。在亚洲相互协作与信任措施会议(亚信)第四次峰会演讲,倡导"共同、综合、合作、可持续"的"亚洲安全观",努力走出一条"共建、共享、共赢"的"亚  相似文献   

5.
“上海五国”元首第6次会晤6月14日在上海举行,中、俄、哈、吉、塔五国元首全面回顾和总结了“上海五国”过去五年的蓬勃发展,正式决定吸收乌兹别克斯坦为新成员,并作出重大战略性决策:将“上海五国”会晤机制改为“上海合作组织”。次日,“上海合作组织”在上海隆重举行首次元首会议,中、俄、哈、吉、塔、乌六国元首签署了“成立宣言”和打击三种“恶势力”的《上海公约》。这是一次承前启后、继往开来的历史性盛会。它为世界提供了一种新型  相似文献   

6.
海湾合作委员会六个成员国的外交和国防部长(大臣)九月十八日、十九日在沙特阿拉伯艾卜哈举行联席会议,决定建立一支联合“威慑部队”。这是沙特阿拉伯、科威特、巴林、卡塔尔、阿拉伯联合酋长国和阿曼六国在加强军事合作方面迈出的新的一步,也是实现六国防御一体化,保卫它们的独立、主权和确保海湾地区安全不受外来干涉的可靠手段。艾卜哈会议是在两伊战争进入第五个年头和海湾局势日益紧张的时刻召开的。这次会议着重讨论  相似文献   

7.
在经济增速放缓和金融市场化改革双重力量的驱动下,中国的金融体系已经成为一个多元化和互联互通的金融体系。由于各部门之间的金融联系越来越多,就增加了发生系统性风险的概率。要防范潜在的系统性风险,中国的监管当局应进一步加强内部协调,建立更加便捷的信息收集和共享机制。2017年7月召开的第五次全国金融工作会议决定设立国务院金融稳定发展委员会,强化人民银行宏观审慎管理和系统性风险防范职责。该委员会的基本出发点是构建基于消费者保护的金融监管框架,工作的重点是要保证市场之间、产品之间、产品与市场之间监管的无缝连接,建立起逆周期风险调节机制。  相似文献   

8.
科技成果走出实验室投入企业生产最终成为商品,是一个操作复杂、布满荆棘的产业化过程。在当前我国风险投资机制尚告缺如的情景下,做为科技成果产业化链条中关键一环的企业,能担当什么角色呢?哈铁总公司把科研部门的研制风险转化为企业风险值得称道。  相似文献   

9.
"一带一路"倡议最早是在习近平访问哈萨克斯坦时提出的,哈萨克斯坦总统纳扎尔巴耶夫积极予以回应。"一带一路"倡议促进了中哈两国在各个领域的全面合作,提升了两国关系。哈萨克斯坦是中国在中亚最大的贸易伙伴和投资对象国,两国的合作成为"一带一路"倡议被落实的典范。中哈合作的顺利发展得益于两国领导人的重视和两国关系的顺利发展,为"一带一路"建设提供了许多可资借鉴的经验。  相似文献   

10.
<正>根据中国科学社会主义学会在京常务理事会的决议,2015年7月4日,中国科学社会主义学会工作会议在中央党校召开。会议由中国科学社会主义学会副会长秦刚同志主持,作为中国科学社会主义学会的团体会员,来自全国29个省(自治区、直辖市)学会的主要负责人参加会议。会议以情况通报、信息交流和制度建设为主题,就中国科学社会主义学会人事调整、中国科学社会主义学会与各省级学会联系机制建设、工作经验交流、  相似文献   

11.
Tony Blair's speech challenged the media over its standards in his valedictory lecture. Many of his charges about the absence of balance, attacks on motive and a pack mentality stand up, even if some are exaggerated and also applied well before his arrival in 10 Downing Street. Mr Blair's solutions did ot match his critique. What is required is a more self‐questioning media, being held to account on the internet and on specialist blogging sites. Vigorous criticism, requiring justification, is a more credible rout than tighter regulation. Tony Blair's speech on the changing pressures on the media is both interesting and convincing in its diagnosis (although generally reported in ways that did not reveal this). It is less convincing in suggestions for change: the fact that on‐line media will fall under Of‐com, and so under its minimal ‘content regulation’ will have little impact. Effective change could begin with other types of (self or other regulation). Some steps towards change might include minimal requirements for journalists and editors to accept elementary forms of accountability, such as disclosing conflicts of interest and payments made for ‘stories’. The scale of media coverage may be crucial in determining the allocation of aid, yet the attention the media pays to particular causes is arbitrary. Many serious disasters are not reported and as a consequence do not receive adequate aid, so that the victims of the crisis will lose out. Chronic long term problems, like famine, are ignored in favour of ‘sudden emergencies’. Reporting seeks sensation and simple stories which influences the way that aid agencies respond to the media. The complex background to a faraway disaster is often overlooked and not properly reported. Tony Blair's speech describing some of the news media as ‘feral beasts’ contained one paragraph which contained an insight into his views on new media. It was known that the outgoing Prime Minister was uncomfortable with some aspects of new technology but his remarks reveal a wider disappointment with how new media has failed to deliver changes which he had hoped for in political communications.This paper records Mr Blair's problems with new media and argues that by focusing on how the new technologies might provide a better way for politicians to by‐pass the traditional media he has missed the point of their wider benefits.  相似文献   

12.
The 1991 Census form for households in Great Britain included, for the first time, a question about ethnic group. The question had nine boxes, eight for named ethnic groups and one for 'any other'. One box had to be ticked for each member of the household. Brian Klug discusses his own reaction to the (so-called) ethnic question, and explains why, as a Jew of European extraction, he did not tick the box marked White. He examines several issues raised by the ethnic question, including the following: why this question is different from other questions on the form; the definition and use of the words 'racial' and 'ethnic'; the vocabulary of colour ('black', 'white' etc.) in the language of race; the idea that 'white' is an ethnic category; the claim that the ethnic question is an instrument for combatting racism; one proposal for improving the question by removing the 'racial' components in the categories.  相似文献   

13.
14.
In 1933 the army of the nascent Iraqi state launched an exterminatory attack on members of the Assyrian community who had fled to Iraq during the First World War. 'The Assyrian affair' which at the time sent shock-waves around the world has now been largely forgotten. But an examination of its origins and causation reveals much about the nature and pattern of modern genocide. Levene argues that typecasting genocide as the outcome of prejudice, racism or even xenophobia, while these may be significant ingredients, proves to be insufficient as a comprehensive explanation. Rather, these factors need to be analysed within the context of an emerging international system of nation-states. This itself may be a factor in helping to catalyse the most extreme and radically ideological responses, especially from new and untried national elites seeking to overcome perceived obstacles to their state's development and genuine independence.  相似文献   

15.
道德规范表现形式的历史演进   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
王茝 《学理论》2010,(4):33-34
道德规范的产生和形成,有着深刻的社会经济根源,是由一定的社会物质生活条件和社会关系决定的。道德规范随着社会的发展而不断发展,具有历史性和继承性。在人类漫长的道德生活中,道德规范曾有过形态各异的表现形式,大体可以概括为图腾、禁忌、礼仪、风俗、箴言、准则、义务、责任等几种主要的表现形武。道德规范表现形式的历史演进,是一个由蒙昧到理性、由自发到自觉、由低级到高级的发展过程。  相似文献   

16.
George Canguilhem's 1947 lecture,‘Machine and organism’,is a rich source of ideas for thinking about the relationships between living organisms and machines. He takes all tools and machines to be extensions of the bodymand part of life itself (which does not make machines any more good or bad than every living organism is good or bad). These insights are updated with a discussion of cyborgs. An account is given of the original idea of the cyborg (Clynes and Kline 1960), and of its transformations in science fiction and at the hands of Donna Haraway and Andrew Pickering. Canguilhem is profoundly anti-Cartesian, but on account oshis vision of life which breaks down the old barriers between natural and artificial, mind and body, manufactured and created.  相似文献   

17.
《Critical Horizons》2013,14(1):37-71
Abstract

This essay addresses Georges Bataille as a historical thinker by concentrating on The Accursed Share (three volumes, 1949-54), the text Bataille took as his master-work. An amalgam of cultural criticism, anthropological and sociological research, The Accursed Share reveals Bataille's temporalised vision of his four central ideas, excess, expenditure, sovereignty and transgression. Grappling with this vision is key for understanding Bataille's oeuvre as a whole because it brings the entirety of his assessments of Western and world culture under its heading. The aim of the paper is to offer a sense, on one hand, of Bataille's dystopic heterology and, on the other hand, the unique formulation of the junctures between economics, power and morality that define him as important for the irruption of post-structural thought specifically, and indeed, the postmodern era as a whole.  相似文献   

18.
The role of victimization in the generation of ethnic inequalities is increasingly acknowledged yet its impact on the lives of people with different religious affiliations remains underexplored. This is despite evidence of the importance of religion for forms of group identification and social mobilization. An exploration of the particular impact of religion as a focus for experiences of victimization may be particularly pertinent given the increasingly negative treatment of Muslim people since the riots in Britain of 2001, the terrorist incidents of 2001, 2004 and 2005 and the political and military responses to them. Cross-sectional analyses of data collected in 2000 and 2008/2009 explore whether there is evidence that the ethnic/religious patterning of reports of different forms of victimization have varied over time, after adjusting for the impact of age, gender, migration and socioeconomic differences between the groups. In 2000 Muslim people with different ethnic backgrounds were less likely, but by 2008/2009 were more likely, to report experiences of victimization than Caribbean Christians. However, the ethnic/religious patterning of perceptions of Britain as a ‘racist society’ were more consistent over time. This may suggest that, despite their increased exposure to victimization over the period, Muslim people in the United Kingdom have yet to experience the racialization characteristic of the treatment of Caribbean Christians, which requires a more prolonged exposure to racist negative attitudes. But this may be only a matter of time. The persistent expectation of poor treatment described by Caribbean Christians is testament to the difficulties of addressing these negative perceptions once racialized identities are embedded. Immediate action must be taken to prevent this occurring among other ethnic/religious minorities.  相似文献   

19.
20.
《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(4):377-399
Studies of racial persecution in Germany, particularly during the Nazi period, now appear on almost a daily basis, so that every victimized minority has received attention. Antisemitism remains the main focus of research but the Romanies have now begun to attract scholars. While historians have studied Jews in virtually every location and over short time periods, they have tended to examine the situation of the Romanies at the national level using a longer time frame, recognizing the continuities of racial persecution that link the Nazi years with the rest of the twentieth century. Panayi brings out these longer-term patterns by focusing on the case of Osnabrück. He begins with an account of the historiography of Romanies at both the local and national level, and contrasts this with the general attention that German history of the first half of the twentieth century, especially the Third Reich, has received. The narrative then moves on to use the limited information available on the Osnabrück Romanies to carry out a detailed examination of the realities of their everyday life and the attitudes of the authorities towards them in the town between 1933 and 1946. Panayi’s study falls into the German social history approach of Alltagsgeschichte, which uses the specific to draw out the realities of the general national picture.  相似文献   

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