1919年前后期中日亚洲主义认识的变化

1919年前后期,世界迎来了政治体系重组的热潮,亚洲地区民族独立运动和民主革命运动也出现了新的景象。笔者将对这一时期中日两国思想家孙中山、李大钊、内田良平、北一辉、宫崎滔天的亚洲主义认识进行探讨,把握亚洲主义理论的变化倾向,阐明当时中日两国亚洲主义认识所处局面。     

Sierra Leone in the Post-War World

The address that follows was given by the Commissioner for SierraLeone and Gambia at a joint meeting of the Royal African Societyand the Royal Commonwealth Society on March 5, 1959. Sir HilaryBlood, G.B.E., K.C.M.G., took the chair.     

美援与战后台湾的经济改造

本文意在对1950年后十多年间美国因素在政策和制度层面上对台湾发展的影响进行深入考察.本文发现,美国对台湾施加影响的一个重要的和基层的途径,是美国驻台机构与台湾经济官僚集团之间形成的"跨政府关系".这种关系有其特有的组织载体和制度机制,并成为战后前期台湾经济发展的重要制度基础和政策、战略形成的关键因素.文章进而叙述了在跨政府关系的架构下,美国驻台机构和台湾经济官僚是如何共同导演了台湾的进口替代工业化和发展战略的转型.本文认为,虽然美国因素对战后台湾经济发展模式的形成有重大而深刻的影响,但并没有在台湾复制出符合"自由发展主义"理念的美式经济模式.     

战后国民政府对缅遣侨问题初探

二战期间,英美两国倡导创建联合国善后救济总署(UNRRA),统筹协调战后世界各国难民的救助与遣返工作.战后,在联合国善后救济总署的指导与帮助下,国民政府精心筹划组织,动用大量人财物力,开展艰苦卓绝的东南亚华侨遣返复员工作.因国民政府对缅遣侨过程最为复杂,外交交涉最为困难,遣返人数亦最多,故成为整个遣侨工作的重中之重.     

Exclusion Despite Nominal Inclusion: A Critical Analysis of Participatory Development Programmes in Post-War Colombia

Citizen participation takes centre stage in Colombia's 2016 peace agreement. Its practical implementation, however, has proven difficult. This case study examines targets and tactics of exclusion in participatory development programmes established under the peace accords. Drawing on qualitative data generated between 2021 and 2022 in the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, this article argues that exclusion affects societal (sub-)groups, organisations and communities as a whole and involves a large array of implicit-elusive, direct-explicit and coercive mechanisms. This matters for implementing inclusive peacebuilding more generally.     

The Breadwinner, his Wife and their Welfare: Identity, Expertise and Economic Security in Australian Post-War Reconstruction

The architects of Australian post-war reconstruction had learned from the experience of the Depression that subordinating the social order to economic objectives could have disastrous results. In Australia as elsewhere, interwar political and civic institutions were not sufficiently robust to protect society from the instability of a system based on the economically rational choices of individual entrepreneurs. High unemployment, which had characterised the interwar years and reached catastrophic levels in the Depression, convinced the architects of post-war reconstruction that new political institutions were necessary. The civil and political institutions they attempted to create were expressed in a particular anthropology constituted around their own identity as experts and the identities of the entrepreneur, the breadwinner and his wife.     

Climate Change and Japan

Our propensity to emit damaging gases has created a dangerously hot earth and it is imperative that we reduce our emission of carbon dioxide. In this article, Yasuko Kameyama, senior researcher at the National Institute for Environmental Studies, examines the international negotiations that have taken place on global warming from 1990 to 2001, focussing on the events leading up to the 1997 Kyoto Conference. In 2001, the US created a furor when it chose to opt-out of the Kyoto Protocol. Despite this set back, Kameyama suggests that this may present Japan with the opportunity to break free from its past mediator role between the US and the EU, and take the lead on environmental matters.     

Japan and global environmental leadership

Japan is poised to take on the responsibilities of environmental leadership. The environment is a “new” issue and the assumption by Japan of an activist role will not provoke unease in Asia about Japanese intentions or be viewed in the United States as a challenge to its global hegemony. Japan more than any other country appears to have broken the link between economic growth and ecological degradation. It offers a cognitive model to other nations, especially its East Asian neighbors concerned by the nonsustainability of current growth models. Japan also deploys financial and technological resources that make a leadership bid credible.     

Japan and the Middle East

Hirokazu Oikawa, a correspondent in Israel for Jiji News for nearly 20 years and former lecturer and fellow at Hebrew University, discusses the history of relations between Japan and the Middle East and shows how Japan's relative ignorance of the region has affected some crucial diplomatic and domestic policy decisions. He explains that potential misperceptions about the Middle East continue among Japanese policymakers, especially in the areas of energy policy and official‐development aid (ODA). Oikawa is currently a professor at Kyorin University in Tokyo.     

The G8 Summit and Japan

In the following article, Akira Kojima, managing director and editorial page editor of the Nihon Keizai Shimbun, evaluates the 2000 Kyushu-Okinawa Summit. In contrast to those critics who contend that the summit has deteriorated into an irrelevant and redundant international gathering, Kojima argues that the summit is even more important than it has ever been. In this evaluation of the 2000 G8 Summit, he outlines the role of the summit and, in particular, explains the significance of the summit for Japan, both for politicians and for the general public. He also discusses the rationale for the choice of Okinawa as the venue for the last G8 Summit of the twentieth century.     

日本与东亚经济合作

亚洲金融危机后,东亚地区出现了新的地区主义,其核心思想是在加强南北合作的基础上,在本地区建立一个开放性的、多层次的、有大国参与的多边自由贸易区.在此背景下,日本明显加快了其参与并主导东亚经济合作的步伐.日本对东亚经济合作的态度从冷漠对待到积极参与,其原因与由日本跨国企业组成的利益集团对政府制定政策的影响力不断增强有关.尽管如此,日本积极参与东亚经济合作只是出于自身利益和维系日美关系的考虑,目前还难以真正成为东亚经济合作的领导者.     

The Second-Term Obama Administration and Japan

The controversy in the Unites States on how to deal with the “fiscal cliff” revealed not just a deep ideological difference between the Democratic Party and the Republican Party but also a new sign of a possible crack of the conservative Republican ranks between those Republicans close to the Tea Party and those who favored the tax hike for the wealthy in order to save the tax cut for the rest of the people.

The planned deep cuts in the defense expenditure will have important implications for national security of Japan, which recently experiences increasing tension with China over the Senkaku Islands. The Obama Administration adopted a tough stance with China over the territorial issues in the South China Sea in July 2010. Rebalance to Asia could be understood, at least in part, to be a response to the rise of China, in a financial situation with fewer resources available for the national defense in the US.

The logical conclusion for Japan and the US would be for both of them to deepen security cooperation. Shinzo Abe, the new Prime Minister of Japan, should further clarify his foreign and national security policy priority and concentrate his efforts on strengthening the alliance with the US and building up the capabilities to defend Japan's territory, while exerting caution in jumping into “history” issues with China and South Korea so that Japan's message on the Senkaku Islands issue is crystal clear and focused: that it is against the established international norm to try to change the status quo by force or intimidation; this message should have universal appeal to a wider international community.     

蒙古与日本的全面伙伴关系

本文回顾了蒙古与日本的历史关系,并概述了近年来蒙日关系各方面的发展.     

Terror in Japan

Observers of early twenty-first-century Japan commonly note economic, political, and social crisis, on the one hand, and pessimism, lethargy, or helplessness about the possibility of reform, on the other. Yet Japan's civil society was idealistic and energetic in the early postwar decades. What happened? The reform movement that captured much of the vitality of the early postwar decades was either foreclosed, as many were co-opted in the “all-for-growth” economism, consumerism, and the corporation, or crushed in successive waves of repression of dissidence as the cold war order took shape. Political parties sacrificed broad vision and ideals to narrow-interest articulation. While the mass base of the reform movement was discouraged, demoralized, and depoliticized, one minority in the late 1960s turned to violent revolution and another in the late 1980s turned inward to seek spiritual satisfaction. Both paths led to violence. This article looks at the course of the student movement between the late 1940s and the late 1970s, with particular reference to the Japan Red Army, and at the new religious movement Aum Supreme Truth in the 1980s and 1990s. Both adopted “terrorist” tactics, by almost any understanding of that term. However, they were children of their times, reflecting the same deep social, political, and moral problems that Japan as a whole continues to face in the early twenty-first century.