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1.
This article describes and analyzes the rapid resurgence of illegal drugs in contemporary China since the late 1970s. It also examines the evolution and implementation of China's anti‐narcotic policy, especially the people's war on drugs launched in 1990. It is suggested that the resurgence of drug trafficking and drug abuse provides additional evidence of the severe erosion of regime legitimacy in China  相似文献   

2.
陈杰 《重庆行政》2010,12(3):21-24
荣昌地处重庆西部,古名昌州,雅称棠城,建县已有1250年历史。全县幅员1079平方公里,辖15个镇、6个街道,总人口83万。荣昌交通便捷,成渝高速公路、成渝公路、成渝铁路横贯县境,距重庆市主城区88公里,距成都市主城区246公里,特别是2014年成渝客运专线贯通后,能够实现"20分钟重庆、40分钟成都"。国发[2009]3号文件下发后,荣昌县委、县政府研究出台了贯彻落实的决定(荣委发[2009]38号),明确了总体要求、重要任务、具体措施和保障机制。  相似文献   

3.
This paper uses an institutional perspective to examine the changing monetary policy operations in China since the 1978 reform. It shows that the establishment of money markets has enabled the central bank to shift its policy approach of direct control over credits to a set of indirect monetary tools. Under the constraint of exchange rate stability and other institutional factors, the effectiveness of these indirect tools is limited. Establishing an interbank money market policy rate through SHIBOR will provide a means of signaling the cost of funds to banks and the public. Its success in China is conditional on improved corporate governance and the competitive structure of banks, increased flexibility in its exchange rate determination, and a more cost-conscious state sector.  相似文献   

4.
The study of Chinese nationalism is very popular—both in China and the West. This article introduces a special section of seven articles (four of which are in this issue) on ‘The Limits of Chinese Nationalism’, arguing that our understanding of nationalism in China is problematic. This special section aims to explore the limits of many of the statements about Chinese nationalism that have now become ‘common sense’: the rise of Chinese nationalism, nationalism filling an ideological vacuum, elites manipulating nationalism to gain legitimacy, and so on. Using critical IR theory this Introduction explores the concept of limits to argue that borders in China are not just territorial, but cultural, economic and thus political. It seeks to change the objective of our discussion of Chinese nationalism from seeking an Answer—either as a measure of the objective nature of Chinese nationalism or as a moral judgment of it as good or evil—to seeing ‘nationalism’ as a provocation which pushes us to think about China and identity in a host of different and productive ways.  相似文献   

5.
我国农村剩余劳动力的有效转移与政策调整   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
本文从我国农村剩余劳动力转移的现状出发,总结出了我国农村剩余劳动力转移低效的特征表象,并探索了有效转移的制约因素。针对我国农村剩余劳动力转移低效表现和有效转移的制约因素,提出了解决我国农村剩余劳动力转移低效的政策措施。  相似文献   

6.
Weixing Hu 《当代中国》1996,5(11):43-56
Regionalism has become an interesting phenomenon in Asian international relations. Driven by fast growing trade and investment, Asian countries have developed variegated patterns of economic co‐operation and a complex level of interdependence among themselves. Although the growing Asian regionalism is very much an economics‐driven process, it has profound impacts on regional political organization. This analysis examines Beijing's changing attitudes toward Asian regionalism and its policy choice in the regional economic integration. It is argued that the integration of the Chinese economy into the regional structure is promoted by the government as well as driven by market dynamics. Although Beijing has let the Chinese economy develop into the regional ‘flying geese’ structure, the best policy choice for China, as many Chinese scholars have argued, would be a three‐circle strategy of integrating into the world economy and a strategy of ‘market for technology’ in regional economic co‐operation. This analysis also discusses the regional political obstacles impeding co‐operation across national borders. It is argued that healthy bilateral relations and more political will toward regional multilateralism on political issues would be instrumental for future regional prosperity and stablity in Asia.  相似文献   

7.
Rex Li 《当代中国》1999,8(22):443-476
Over the past few years there has been a heated debate in the West over the potential challenge of an increasingly strong and assertive China to the Asia‐Pacific region and to the world in general. This article offers a systematic analysis of the debate on China's emerging role in the international system and its security implications from the theoretical perspectives of realism and liberalism. While both international relations theories have provided valuable insights, neither of them alone is able to unravel the puzzle of whether a prosperous and powerful China will be a major force of stability or a threat to international peace. Drawing on the theory of trade expectations, this article shows the conditions under which high interdependence between China and its trading partners will lead to pacific or belligerent Chinese behavior. If Chinese decision‐makers’ expectations for future trade are high, they will be less likely to use force to deal with unresolved disputes with neighboring countries. If, however, they have a negative view of their future trading environment, they will be likely to take measures, including military actions, to remove any obstacles that might forestall the pursuit of great‐power status. For the moment, China's expectations of future trade are by and large optimistic, but there is evidence of growing Chinese suspicion of a Western ‘conspiracy’ to contain China which may alter Beijing's future perceptions. To ensure that the rise of China will not cause regional and global instability, the outside world should seek to integrate China into the international community by pursuing policies that will have a positive influence on China's expected value of trade. In the meantime, some elements of the balance of power strategy need to be introduced in order to curtail China's expected value of war.  相似文献   

8.
In spring 2005, villagers in Dongyang County, Zhejiang were unhappy. For four years they had been complaining about pollution emitted by 13 factories located in the Zhuxi Chemical Park, but nothing had been done. So they set up a tent encampment to block delivery of supplies to the factories. At first, they employed restrained tactics, including going about daily life in the tents, badgering cadres sent to demobilize them, and kowtowing. After a harsh repression produced hundreds of injuries and left dozens of damaged vehicles and other evidence of police action strewn about, the tent-sitters switched to more aggressive tactics, including denouncing local leaders, carrying out mock funerals, interrogating factory owners and ransacking the homes of ‘traitors’. The authorities' ill-considered and poorly-timed repression led to tactical escalation, helped draw thousands of people to the scene, and ultimately resulted in the chemical park being closed. This episode speaks to the ‘dissent–repression nexus’ and suggests that repression can be counterproductive when it encourages protesters to ratchet up their tactics and a ‘protest spectacle’ ensues. In today's China, striking displays and theatrical performances, especially in the wake of a crackdown, can attract an audience, bring in financial support and create a carnival-like atmosphere in which popular acclaim, the breakdown of social order and the inversion of power hierarchies grants protesters leverage and induces the authorities to make concessions.  相似文献   

9.
Tianjian Shi 《当代中国》1999,8(22):425-442
Many observers of Chinese politics suggest that there are certain relationships between economic development and village elections. Using empirical data gathered from a 1993 nationwide survey, this study examines whether economic development is associated in any way with successful elections in Chinese villages. The analysis reveals that the relationship between economic development and village elections appears to be a concave curve: economic wealth increases the likelihood that a village will hold semicompetitive elections for people to choose their leaders, but its impact diminishes as economic wealth increases. Rapid economic development may even delay the process of political development because incumbent leaders can use newly acquired economic resources to consolidate their power by: (1) making peasants more dependent on the village authority; (2) providing incumbent leaders with resources to co‐opt peasants; and (3) providing incumbent leaders with resources to bribe their superiors to ignore the decisions of the central government to introduce competitive elections into Chinese villages.  相似文献   

10.
Research on regional inequality in China has generated controversial findings. This paper reveals that the trend for the last four and a half decades shows no clear divergent, convergent, or inverted-U patterns. I argue that regional inequality in China is sensitive to geographical scale and influenced by multiple mechanisms, and that the global and domestic contexts for China's regional development have changed dramatically. In particular, China's triple transitions-decentralization, marketization, and globalization-have fundamentally changed the mechanisms underlying regional development. Changes require new thinking on regional development strategies in China, which should emphasize developing non-state sectors, fully utilizing human resources, enhancing geographical targeting, and reforming urban and regional planning institutions.  相似文献   

11.
Ya-Peng Zhu 《当代中国》2013,22(82):554-572
A recent trend in policy scholarship is to explain policy changes and paradigm shifts by focusing on the features and interactions of policy networks. This paper aims to contribute to the current literature by exploring how policy networks affect policy paradigmatic change in China with reference to urban housing policy development. It is argued that both exogenous and indigenous factors can be attributed to the difficulties of paradigm replacement. The closed policy network in the housing field delimits the choices of policy instruments and hinders paradigmatic shifts. Contrary to mainstream studies, exogenous shocks are identified as serious handicaps to significant policy changes.  相似文献   

12.
政策评价方法是指在政策评价过程中所采用的方法,我国目前没有政策评价法相关法律的规范,亦没有对政策评价方法做出明确的规定。本文从构建我国政策评价的重要性出发,简述我国政策评价制度存在的问题,并分析其原因,介绍我国在实践中所运用的政策评价方法,提出推动成本——收益评价方法与公众满意度评价方法的建议。  相似文献   

13.
Taiwan is a mildly divided society—divided essentially along the lines of national identity. Indeed, there is no doubt that national identity is the dominant factor affecting Taiwan's mainland China policy. Other factors such as business interests and security concerns may enter the picture from time to time, but they often get bogged down in the national identity controversies. As a matter of fact, there is high correlation between people's attitudes toward business and security concerns and their positions on the national identity issue. The key to understanding Taiwan's mainland China policy is thus the distribution of voters on the national identity issue and how it is translated into the political fortunes of various political parties in the electoral game.  相似文献   

14.
This paper examines recent modifications in American policy toward the Republic of China (ROC or Taiwan). It contends that, while the George W. Bush Administration may have carried out a significant readjustment of US policy, available evidence suggests that it will not endorse any major upgrades in ties with Taipei during the foreseeable future. Like previous administrations, the Bush Administration now recognizes the value of engaging the People's Republic of China (PRC). This development holds important implications for the future trajectory of America's relations with Taiwan and the PRC and for peace and stability in the Western Pacific.  相似文献   

15.
江治强 《岭南学刊》2010,(5):110-115
改革开放30年来,我国社会的福利价值观由生存福利观向生活福利观、普遍性福利观向选择性福利观、增长型福利价值观向分享型福利观、道义福利观向权利福利观加快转变。30年福利价值观的变化,反映了在经济社会变化背景下公众对社会民生问题的总体看法,对于认识社会福利发展的理念、方向、定位和策略有着深刻的政策实践意义。  相似文献   

16.
Yongnian Zheng 《当代中国》2010,19(67):799-818
This paper examines China's transformation from different perspectives, including economic, social and political, and discusses how these transformations are linked to the country's open-door policy. The paper argues that the most powerful driving force behind China's rapid transformation is its openness. At the domestic level, openness creates an institutional environment in which different existing factors reorganize themselves, thus providing new dynamics for change. At the international level, openness links China and the world together, and the interplay between China and the world produces an external dynamism for China's internal changes. Openness, however, has led to social injustice. Society often becomes the weakest link in the process of globalization and opening up; therefore, it must be defended by all means and in all major policy areas.  相似文献   

17.
Philip S. Hsu 《当代中国》2004,13(40):567-599
This article examines the congruent and conflicting effects of fiscal decentralization and power devolution—two main types of decentralization in post‐reform China—in order to tackle the insufficient distinction between them in current academic analyses. Derived from the two types of decentralization respectively are fiscal incentive and local autonomy, which influence local states' policy implementation in turnover taxation. By uncovering the unique logic of either factor, this article argues that contrary to what is widely presupposed, local autonomy is not necessarily congruent with fiscal incentive in affecting local compliance with centrally imposed policy rules during policy implementation. When power devolution and fiscal decentralization follow an internally consistent logic of decentralization as a whole by proceeding at the same pace and favoring the same specific locality, they inevitably generate conflicting effects on local states' implementation strategies. Congruent effects arise only if incoherent evolution occurs between the two types of decentralization. This paradox highlights the contradiction inveterate in the dynamics of decentralization. This argument is first developed through theoretical reasoning, and then substantiated by an empirical comparison between Guangzhou and Shanghai during 1984–1988 and 1992–1995.  相似文献   

18.
中国的就业中长期面临着三大压力,就业是世界上最复杂的。我们面临这种复杂的局面,进一步说明我们解决就业任务的繁重和艰巨。因此,我们要视就业为民生之本,安国之策,保增长保民生保稳定的关键,实施积极的就业政策,努力扩大城乡就业。  相似文献   

19.
The People's Republic of China is experiencing severe air pollution with very serious public health and economic consequences. Over the past decade, the Chinese government has sought to utilize bureaucratic, political, legal and educational vehicles to address these problems. This paper examines the ways in which those policy measures have been communicated to, understood by, and acted upon by the citizenry, drawing in important part on household and epidemiological surveys conducted in Anhui. Our study suggests that the central government's message has yet to be absorbed to the degree intended and then considers both why this has been the case and how the effectiveness of policy mechanisms might be enhanced.  相似文献   

20.
作为扩大农村消费主导力量的政府重中之重是要加大政策资源的投入力度,特别是财政政策资源。广东农民消费水平低、区域差距大等特征决定了需要调整收入分配、健全农村社保体系、改变消费理念以及改善消费环境。以财政政策分析,扩大广东农村消费需求在于完善支农政策、加大财政对教育投入、将财政向民生转移、培育消费市场、完善补贴政策以及调整收入结构。  相似文献   

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