欧洲与中国的人权观差异

在欧中关系中,人权问题最为敏感,分歧最大。在对人权的理解上,双方不仅官方立场存在分歧,而且公众的人权观念也存在重要差异。欧洲人通常认为,更多的人权有助于经济发展,或者经济发展将导致更多的人权,并期望或假设随着中国经济的持续发展,中国人对人权和民主的需要也将不断上升。但是,本文对大量调查数据的分析说明,欧洲人的这种预期是不切实际的。实际上,欧洲与中国有关人权的观念差距可能在日益扩大。     

Between Assertiveness and Insecurity: Russian Elite Attitudes and the Russia-Georgia Crisis

A political scientist discusses the content and sources of Russian elite perspectives on international affairs. The "color revolutions," the perceived specter of Islamic radicalism, contestation over Russian identity, and evolving perceptions of Russia's international leverage are examined for their impact on elite attitudes. Discussion of the crisis in relations between Russia and Georgia illustrates the article's theme about the relationship between insecurity and assertiveness.     

论中美欧三边关系的发展趋势

中美欧关系是 2 1世纪国际上最重要的三边关系之一。虽然世界战略力量对比仍向有利于美国的方向倾斜 ,但中美欧三方实力关系显现多维化 ,从长远来看将趋向均衡化。随着经济全球化的发展和非传统安全问题在国际关系中影响的上升 ,中美欧结构性共同利益正在增加。中美欧关系趋于成熟 ,良性互动增加 ,但单边主义和“零和游戏”思维仍是妨碍中美欧合作的负面因素。     

Changes in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union: The effects on China

The rapidly changing political, economic, and security policies in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe in late 1989 and 1990 have added to the complications faced by Chinese leaders since they decided to suppress the unprecedented large-scale pro-democracy demonstrations in Chinese cities in spring 1989. These changes had an obvious “ripple effect” in China, encouraging prodemocracy forces and alarming Chinese leaders. They attracted strong positive attention from the developed countries of the West and Japan, and international financial institutions and businesses. This came at the indirect expense of China. And they accelerated changes in world politics (especially in U.S.-Soviet relations) and in the politics of government decision making in the West that promised to reduce China’s relative influence in world affairs in the 1990s. The prospect of reduced influence abroad and curbed economic contacts did not appear to be sufficient cause for Beijing leaders to markedly change existing policies. Chinese leaders in mid-1990 appeared focused on issues of internal political power at a time of leadership transition. Significant changes in policy appeared most likely to await leadership changes as Deng Xiaoping and other aged leaders die or are incapacitated.     

Imperialism and Democracy: Convergence and Divergence

This article explores two models of non-state education provision in Myanmar (Burma), in order to draw conclusions regarding templates for ethnic education regimes in this fast-changing country. Ethnic Armed Groups in Myanmar have developed education systems in the context of long-running armed conflicts. This paper examines two such regimes. Karen communities struggle with few resources to educate their children. Despite great difficulties, the Karen National Union has developed a curriculum based upon one Karen dialect, which is employed in about 1,000 schools. Graduates of this education regime are mostly unable to speak fluent Burmese, or to integrate with the Myanmar tertiary education system; they are orientated towards a Karen national identity, rather than Myanmar citizenship. However, with the beginnings of a substantial peace process, Karen educators will need to re-think their implicitly separatist agenda. A comparative case study is offered by the Mon ethnic minority. The New Mon State Party has had a fragile ceasefire since 1995. Some 270 Mon National Schools provide Mon language instruction at elementary levels, shifting to Burmese at middle school. As the Mon Schools follow the government curriculum, with extra classes in Mon language and history-culture, graduates are able to matriculate and enter the nationwide tertiary education system. We argue that the Mon experience can be a useful model for education reform in a transitional Myanmar, as political and civil society leaders negotiate a more decentralised state.     

Russia,the death penalty,and Europe: the ambiguities of influence

Studies of capital punishment worldwide investigate how international influence affects the death penalty. We analyze European influence on the death penalty in Russia over the imperial, Soviet, and post-Soviet periods, using two parameters: the changing mechanisms of influence in each period and the death penalty's significance in the broader spectrum of punitive violence. On the first parameter, in the tsarist period, European influence on Russian policy was “productive” – exercised through prestige, moral suasion, and “diffusion.” In the Soviet period, European influence was blocked. In the post-Soviet period, European influence is coercive, as the Council of Europe has unsuccessfully sought to compel Russia to abolish its death penalty. On the second parameter, the death penalty in Russia has always been only one of many forms of state-sanctioned punitive killing. In consequence, the Council's involvement in Russia's death penalty has produced an incoherent policy outcome and has entangled the Council in Russia's authoritarian politics. Russia thus exemplifies the hazards of external involvement in death penalty abolition.     

地理的不确定性:关于俄罗斯、欧洲和亚洲的四个论题

针对俄罗斯归属于欧洲还是亚洲的问题,传统上公认的解说有:俄罗斯是一个欧洲国家;俄罗斯不同于亚洲;俄罗斯是一个欧亚国家。这些观点各有道理,但需细化。下面几个论题将有助于对俄罗斯属性的进一步认识:1)俄罗斯不仅是一个欧洲国家,而且是一个欧洲帝国。2)激进的欧亚主义者不反对俄罗斯的欧洲性,但反对认为俄罗斯是一个帝国。3)欧亚主义者宣称俄罗斯—欧亚不是亚洲的一个部分。欧亚主义者将欧亚理解为与欧洲或者亚洲完全不同的文明。4)欧亚主义者重新将俄罗斯—欧亚视为一个潜在的殖民地,而俄罗斯的使命是反殖民的领导者。     

欧洲文化多元主义:理念与反思

自2010年以来,文化多元主义在欧洲多个国家"被宣告"失败,深刻地反映了欧洲社会在文化多样性问题上厚此薄彼的态度——积极支持欧洲本土文化的多样性,却消极对待以移民群体为代表的非欧洲文化的存在;文化纠结是当代欧洲文化多元主义实践中的一种真实心态,折射出他们在国家与民族认同层面上的价值诉求;欧洲国家不应当仍旧把持"单一民族"国家的观念去治理和应对一个实际上已经"多民族化"的国家现实,"多元一体"应当成为未来国家与民族建构的指向。     

"9·11"以后的俄美欧关系

"9·11"事件出乎意料地促成了俄美欧关系的靠近,但它们都抱有不同的目的,俄罗斯经济发展需要美欧的支持,所以,"9·11"事件正好成为俄与美欧改善关系的契机,欧洲希望借此机会,建立一个"完整"的欧洲,美国则从反恐需要出发,认为没有俄罗斯的支持,反恐战争是难以取胜的,所以,基于各自战略的考虑,俄美欧走到了一起.     

Countering Convergence: Agency and Diversity Among Guatemalan NGOs

The proliferation of nongovernmental organizations across the developing world has sparked discussions of the “NGOization” of civil society and concern that NGOs have become increasingly uniform and internally homogenous. This article explores the evolution of NGOs in Guatemala since the 1960s and finds that NGOs historically and currently respond in diverse ways to external pressures—adjusting their strategies and actively attempting to shape their environment. Comparing two microcredit NGOs, it finds in addition that old and new models combine in unique organizational contexts in distinct ways. These two findings suggest that diversity is likely to persist among NGOs.     

欧洲国家劳动收入占比下降的成因及对中国的启示

本文借助生产函数的分析框架和一个分解方法,尝试从多个角度对欧洲劳动收入占比下降进行经济学解释。过去30年以来,欧洲出现了向劳动收入占比较低的产业转化的趋势,对整个经济的劳动收入占比产生了负向冲击。20世纪70年代的石油危机之后,僵硬的劳动力市场诱发了资本增强型的技术进步,在资本和劳动替代弹性大于1的情况下,技术进步和资本深化从两个层面对劳动收入占比形成打压。过度的劳动保护并非改善劳动收入占比的良性力量,相反,它成了资本增强型技术进步的诱因。全球化并非欧洲劳动收入占比下降的显著因素,但是在劳动力市场较为僵硬的欧洲大陆国家,它更有机会成为劳动收入占比下降的推手。