Assessing Empowerment in Divorce Mediation

The empowerment of disputants is a fundamental concern of mediation research, but empowerment is difficult to measure. This study operationally defines empowerment in a divorce case as an agreed-upon modification of the Texas Standard Possession Order in the direction of granting more time with the child to the noncustodial parent. Using a cross-case analysis of mediated and nonmediated divorce cases, this study found that couples that participated in mediation were empowered, not disempowered, in the construction of their visitation arrangements. Implications for measuring empowerment, litigation, and legislative policy are discussed.     

Empowering families as an alternative to foster care for street children in Brazil

Although the emphasis in current thinking about work with street children has changed from aid-dependency towards youth protagonism, many organisations ignore the role of the children's families in their interventions. In so doing, they reproduce obsolete welfare traditions and also violate rights guaranteed by the Convention on the Rights of the Child and national legislation. This article illustrates the importance of child–family ties for both children and families, and argues that interventions that lack the involvement of parents and families serve to reproduce images of failed families and inadequate mothers. The author presents an alternative approach from Brazil which respects the rights and needs of children and families through family empowerment.     

Eviction and homelessness: the impact on African children

More than 80 million African children lack access to healthy shelter, and 16 million of these children are living on the streets. This phenomenon of street children represents massive social failure as well as a violation of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child. Urbanization--and the attendant processes of industrial expansion, land speculation, and "beautification"--has created a cycle of poverty, evictions, family disruption, and unwanted and abandoned children. In African cities, at least 60% of the population lives in informal, underserviced, and frequently illegal slums and squatter settlements in households generally headed by a single mother. Increasingly, eviction is being used as a strategy for driving the poor out of urban areas where they have come to seek work. Mothers who are themselves illiterate, malnourished, and constantly facing the threat of eviction are unable to meet their children's basic security needs. Moreover, violent evictions subvert children's educational and health status, cause psychological trauma and the loss of a sense of belonging, and exacerbate the household's precarious economic status. Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) have been successful in preventing some evictions and have established programs for the care of street children. Recommended is improved coordination between NGOs and local and national governments, as exemplified by the urban child welfare task force established by the Kenyan Government. Above all, however, NGOs need to develop strategies for dealing more effectively with mass urban poverty and providing the necessary infrastructure to improve the lives of slum residents.     

Toward High‐Quality Divorce Agreements: The Influence of Facilitative Professionals

Studies have reported that mediation has higher settlement rates than litigation. The quality of these agreements as experienced by the parties as well as the processes that contribute to this subjective experience remains underexamined, however. In a large, representative, and multidisciplinary study of divorcing couples, we studied the relationship between the practices of lawyers and mediators and the quality of agreements experienced by their clients. We used multiple regression analysis to reveal that divorce mediation is significantly more likely than litigation to produce high‐quality divorce settlements. Furthermore, we found that high‐quality divorce agreements were more likely to occur when mediators and lawyers were perceived to have worked facilitatively. In addition, we found that pre‐divorce conflict levels were inversely correlated with the quality of agreements. Which party initiated the divorce, the parties' gender, and the type of legal divorce did not explain variances in the quality of the agreements. In this article, we also discuss the training and practice implications of our findings.     

21世纪的俄罗斯儿童

现今俄罗斯妇女不仅生育的年龄越来越晚,而且生育孩子的数量越来越少。俄罗斯儿童中只有34%是健康的,这意味着2/3的俄罗斯儿童或多或少存在着健康问题,比如慢性病或身体残疾等。这已成为俄目前迫切需要解决的问题。     

A tale of three villages

This article looks at 3 different individual viewpoints on family size and family planning in 3 different villages in Uttar Pradesh, India. In Ashakhera, where most of the people are upper caste and where the level of literacy is high, the residents understand that family planning is in their best interests. Where at one time the sex of the children to be born was of great concern, it is no longer. In Banthara, on the other hand, there are strict caste differentiations and in general people are poorer. More than 1/2 the population owns no land and it is simply a struggle to stay alive. In spite of this and despite the lack of education, these people want as many children as possible, in order that more can work to bring in more income. Land belongs to the upper castes, so for these people, their labor is the only source of their wealth. The 3rd village, Ballukhera, is small and not especially wealthy. Parents realize that in order that their children have a better life, they must be better educated. Thus, with fewer children, more money can be invested to extend their education. In Ballukhera, consequently, family planning makes sense especially insofar as future aspirations are concerned.     

Health,work opportunities and attitudes: a review of Palestinian women's situation in Lebanon

This study examined the health status, employment opportunities, and aspirations of Palestinian women refugees in Lebanon. Data were obtained from 1501 women registered with a UN relief agency and living in 5 regions; 80% lived in camps. 27.6% were aged 20-34 years, 27.1% were aged 35-44 years, and 24.7% were aged 45-60 years. 92% were women with children. About 43% of the 988 women with children had used or currently used contraception. 63% of these women had over 4 children. Among the 24 teenagers, 6 were current users; 41.7% had a child under the age of 16 years, and 62.5% had more than 1 child. Only 25% of all respondents had fewer than 3 children. Short birth intervals were common. About 16.4% of respondents were working. About 25% of mothers and 17% of all respondents never attended school. Tradition, marriage, and financial constraints were reported as reasons for education deficits. A very high rate of women miscarried. 5% had abortions. Mothers reported self-fulfillment reasons for high fertility. Health status included high and early fertility, short birth intervals, frequent miscarriages, lack or misuse of birth control, high child mortality, and lack of knowledge about women's health. Women's work, albeit very limited, was essential to the household. Employed women were older, household heads, and with multiple burdens. Women had aspirations for themselves and their children for education, work, a return to peace, and a home in Palestine. Attainment fell short of aspirations, mostly due to lack of support within the family and the school system, and tradition. Many young women with aspirations had low expectations of success.     

From Top-Down to Trickle-Up Influence: Revisiting Assumptions About the Family in Political Socialization

A growing number of theorists are calling for a revival of research on political socialization based on the premise that children are active in their own civic development. We advance this argument a step further by proposing a model of family communication that reverses the roles of parents and children as conventionally understood in political socialization. Adolescent children are not merely receptive to political stimulation; they possess the power to transform patterns of family communication in ways that benefit themselves and their parents. We first challenge a series of interrelated assumptions about the nature and direction of influence in the family. We then document evidence of "trickle-up influence," in which child-initiated discussion--stimulated by a civics curriculum--prompts the parent to increase her civic competence via increased news media use, knowledge gain, and opinion formation. The parent's response reflects her desire to maintain a leadership role in the family, and more important from a theoretical perspective, it reveals the intrinsic forces of family adaptation that can make the home a powerful incubator of citizenship. Political growth occurs when the family system adjusts to reestablish equilibrium in response to exogenous factors or developmental needs that propel change. The ultimate purpose of this essay is to propose a functional model of family political communication. We apply theoretical perspectives from developmental literature to illustrate how political communication serves the family goals of autonomy and cohesion during various stages of the family life cycle.     

Urban children's work during and after the 1998 floods in Bangladesh

The 1998 floods, which inundated much of Bangladesh, had a major effect on the lives and work of urban slum children. Lack of work opportunities, and beliefs about appropriate roles for young children, meant that the floods did not lead to great increases in workforce entry and in some cases led to a reduction in the opportunities available. Children's domestic work was also affected. Children's paid and domestic work had an important impact on how well households survived during and after the floods. The findings highlight the simultaneously beneficial and harmful nature of much child labour, and are therefore relevant to the dilemmas that face policy makers in this area. The research reported on in this article also has implications for those involved in disaster relief policy making.     

东亚经济一体化和TPP——中日之间的博弈

近年来,东亚地区经济发展和经济合作关系十分紧密,东亚经济一体化有了一个初步的尝试。然而,长期以来,由于各种经济因素和非经济因素的影响,这一过程并不顺利。特别是近期热烈讨论的所谓TPP问题,中日就存在博弈关系,从而影响东亚经济一体化进程。通过一个简单的博弈论模型的分析,可以得出的基本结论是:中日两国要么都加入TPP,要么都不加入,只有一方加入时对另一方不利。因此,中国应该观望东亚经贸关系,伺机而动,同时努力提高自身的竞争力。     

A “very interested” third party intervenes in a divorce settlement

Conclusion There is no universal formula for dealing with the painful products of a bitter divorce. Mixed motives, distorted perceptions, and irreconcilable differences are all interwoven into an intricate web of confused and conflicting emotions. The web eventually becomes so complex that often tangible issues cannot be pulled apart from intangible ones. Mediation in such situations cannot be seen as a panacea. The individual propensities and dissimilarities that originally lead spouses to separate may obstruct future interaction as well. A third party in such situations may, however, serve a catalytic role in fostering movement toward agreement by identifying the issues, increasing the understanding of the problem, reducing the risk of loss of face, and facilitating the efficient use of communication channels. One goal is to bring conflicting parties to think clearly about their own feelings, expectations, and desires as well as those of their opponent. Striving to achieve superordinate goals and recognizing that common interests often exist beneath the turbulent surface of positional arguments will ultimately move parties closer toward agreement. Resolving the conflict depends not only on the effectiveness of the third party, but on the willingness of the disputants to commit themselves to an exhaustive search for a solution. Lisa J. Hirsch is a senior at Tufts University in Medford, Mass. 02155. She expects to receive her bachelor's degree, with a concentration in psychology, this spring. She plans to continue her studies toward a doctorate in psychology and eventually to specialize in counseling for children of divorced parents.     

Better safe than sorry

Many women in developing countries would rather risk an unwanted pregnancy than put up with the side effects of efficient contraceptive methods. 40-70% of Third World users abandon use of oral contraceptives and the IUD within 2 years because of side effects. An additional 25-33% of women do not use contraceptives at all because of a fear of side effects. In part, this reflects the tendency of pharmaceutical firms and health staff to avoid discussing the side effects of modern contraceptives with Third World women, out of concern this will keep them away from family planning clinics. Without proper information, women become suspicious they are being manipulated or interpret unrelated symptoms as due to contraception. Another reason for low rates of acceptance of modern contraceptive methods is the failure of family planning programs to match the contraceptive prescribed to the needs of the acceptor. Women who want a number of children, for example, should not be given a method such as the IUD or injectables that may interfere with future fertility. In a village in Bangladesh, the birth rate actually went up after the pill was introduced because it interfered with lactation and was abandoned by 80% of initial acceptors. Ironically, there is evidence that efficient methods turn out to be less efficient in preventing births than their traditional counterparts such as the widely acceptable coitus interruptus method.     

Illumination and Innovation: What Philanthropic Foundations Bring to Global Health Governance

This article argues that because much of the scholarship examining the influence of private foundations in global health governance is either neo-Gramscian or reflexively critical in orientation, undue attention has been paid to foundations' origins, affiliations and perceived biases towards bringing technological solutions to bear on problems with deep socio-political determinants, obscuring their chief functions as global governors while downplaying their agency. Such concerns are by no means new as private philanthropic influence in the governance of global health is not a new phenomenon. Drawing on examples from the Ford, Rockefeller and Bill and Melinda Gates Foundations' efforts to strengthen public health across the Global South, we argue that for over a century private foundations have been instrumental in the governance of collective action problems for two important reasons. Firstly, their stark illumination of state and market failures disproportionately affecting the world's marginalised and the potential of science-enabled innovation to address longstanding challenges has repeatedly generated the requisite political will to address, however imperfectly, global disparities. Secondly, foundations have ensured that functional governance mechanisms exist to provide public goods to the poor when changes to the structural fabric of the world order constrain the ability of other institutions mandated to perform this function.     

Endangering women's health for profit: health and safety in Mexico's maquiladoras

This article focuses on the situation of women in Mexico's maquiladoras (assembly plants). There are approximately 1 million Mexicans working in over 4000 maquiladoras in which violations of worker's human, labor, and health rights exist. The specific dangers of work in maquiladoras and the double burden of domestic and factory work that women already bear all contribute to a wide range of health hazards for women. These workplace hazards include toxic chemicals, unsafe equipment, poor workstation design, and excessive heat or cold, poor ventilation and lighting, harmful noise levels, and dangerously high production quotas. Since most maquiladoras illegally dump hazardous waste and spew contaminants into the surrounding environment, residents of maquiladora communities are exposed to additional health hazards simply because they live near the plants. In response to this problem, workers have organized themselves into community-based groups and democratic unions. The need for worker-controlled organizations was emphasized because workers who are organized have greater possibilities of addressing their concerns about health, safety, wages, and job security than those who are not.     

Mediation in War: Winning Hearts and Minds Using Mediated Condolence Payments

When an Iraqi noncombatant civilian is killed in the crossfire between the U.S. military and insurgents, the victim's family can apply for a "condolence payment" of up to $2,500 as a token of condolence and sympathy. As the process currently stands, the family member is handed a sum of money by U.S. personnel and ushered out the door. In this model, money equals apology. In this article, the author argues that the efficacy and efficiency of the current condolence payment program could be greatly increased by adding Arab-Muslim mediation techniques tailored to Iraqi culture. Mediation would fill a gap in the current program to help foster a constructive, stabilizing dialogue between the U.S. military and aggrieved Iraqi civilians. The author believes that with each positive, mediated interaction — each reconciliative engagement between an aggrieved Iraqi civilian, a mediator, and a U.S. military representative — the U.S. military can prevent today's aggrieved Iraqi parent, sibling, or child from becoming tomorrow's insurgent.
This article was written with two goals. The implementation of a mediated condolence payment program, even on a limited or pilot basis, would likely increase the chances of American success in Iraq and improve the daily lives of Iraqi civilians. If it is not possible to implement such a program in Iraq before American involvement there ends, then it may still have value as an important component of the post-conflict nation-building playbook of the U.S. and other foreign forces.     

印度尼西亚政府克服贫困的新举措——家庭希望计划(PKH)

印度尼西亚政府于2007年建立了家庭希望计划,该计划属于有条件现金转移支付项目,它要求受助家庭把获得的救助金用于家庭中儿童的人力资本发展,因此,相应条件的设定主要集中在教育、营养和健康方面,体现了明显的促进发展的功能。虽然该计划还存在一定问题,但计划已初见成效,印度尼西亚的贫困问题尤其是儿童贫困问题通过该计划的实施得到了缓解,这对中国社会救助的发展完善具有一定的启示意义。     

The right to protection from sexual assault: the Indian anti-rape campaign

This article reveals a viewpoint that emphasizes some dilemmas among Indian feminist practice, women's sexuality in legal terms, and case law in India. The Indian Women's Movement (IWM) was successful in 1983 in adding a legal amendment on rape and child abuse. The case that mobilized women to change the law occurred in 1980 when a court acquitted two policemen who were charged with raping and molesting a 16-year-old tribal girl. The Bombay High Court overturned the judgement and convicted both policemen. The case was appealed, and the policemen successfully argued that rape did not occur because the girl did not protest and was sexually experienced anyway. In 1980 the Forum Against Rape was formed to mobilize public support and to lobby the State for reform of the law on rape. The campaign focused on custodial rape and political repression, rape as civil rights issue, and rape as a women's issue. There was a distancing between the victim, who occupied a lower caste and class position, and her defenders in the women's groups. The campaign appealed to both the appropriate judgement of the State and the denial that the State was an effective vehicle for change. The campaign did not directly address incest and marital rape or domestic violence within families. The legislature debated the issue of legal change during 1982. The debate revealed deep divisions about sexuality and women's status. It was argued that chaste women were not rape victims, and unchaste women were of a socially inferior caste and class. It was argued that there should be a ban on child marriage rather than spousal rape laws. Child rape is a legal issue only when the perpetrator is outside the family. Rape was discussed as an act of lust and not violence. In 1992, a woman promoting an end to child marriage was raped and the men were acquitted. It was argued that the law was out-of-date and in need of revision.     

""Blood on the UN's Hands'? Assigning Duties and Apportioning Blame to an Intergovernmental Organisation

The United Nations is frequently the object of blame for "failing' ' to act in response to what are deemed to be ethical imperatives. Implicit in such condemnations is an understanding of the United Nations as a body that has moral duties, and possesses the various capacities for deliberating and acting that would make this a reasonable conception. Yet this portrayal of the United Nations as a moral agent is one that should only be invoked with great care, and some qualification. By constructing a model of "institutional moral agency'', and examining whether the United Nations meets its criteria, this article aims to offer a preliminary account of the internal features, and enabling conditions that would allow the United Nations to bear the related burdens of duty and blame in international politics. It also suggests who—or what— might bear these burdens when the United Nations is incapable of acting.     

The origins of international child sponsorship

International child sponsorship typically involves the pairing of an individual, identifiable child, or young adult in a developing country with an individual donor or sponsor in a relatively wealthy country. Regular payments by sponsors, accompanied by the exchange of personal information, characterise a fundraising phenomenon which currently links sponsors to more than eight million children globally. Although child sponsorship underpins a multi-billion dollar flow of funds to developing countries, its origins have become obscured by the passing of time, to the point where many international NGOs utilising it as a fundraising mechanism are unaware of the aims and context of its early use. This article argues that the pairing of individual children with international donors was initiated by the UK-based Save the Children Fund and the Society of Friends Relief Mission in post-First World War Austria in 1919. Unlike the long-term support that would characterise later programmes, early sponsorship funded the short-term assistance of children and avoided the creation of dependency.     

The influence of sociocultural and environmental factors on the adolescents’ life and development: Japanese youth from a Western readers perspective

This article provides an analysis of phenomena of youth in Japan by means of a literature review. A rich literature on Japanese youth has been published during the last decade, which provides us with information on a variety of topics. By focussing on sources published in Western languages a selection is drawn to research presented as relevant to Western readers. Japan is known as a highly dynamic society. How do children and youth adjust to the ever-changing social and cultural environment? And how can we identify and analyse the most relevant sociocultural and environmental factors and their relationships to each other, which obviously have a strong influence on the adolescents’ life and development? These questions can guide us when structuring the available information according to Bronfenbrenner’s ecological perspective of human development. I will illustrate findings from recent journal articles on central topics like the school to work transition, recent educational reforms and youth culture and discuss these on the background of context knowledge on Japanese youth from former theoretical and empirical studies.