Contraceptive practice in Mexico: two five-year periods,two different patterns (1976-1977 to 1987)

This work uses data from the 1976-77 Mexican Fertility Survey, the 1982 National Demographic Survey, and the 1987 National Fertility and Health Survey to analyze fertility and contraceptive behavior among Mexican women in the 2 5-year periods from 1976-82 and 1982-87. The proportion of fertile-aged women in union using a method increased from 41.6% in 1976-77 to 58.8% in 1982 and 61.4% in 1989. The most significant gains in use of the more effective methods as in contraceptive prevalence occurred in the 1st 5-year period. The proportion of women sterilized increased from 3.73% in 1977 to 16.6% in 1982 and 21.7% in 1987, equivalent to increases over the 2 5-year periods of 345.7% and 30.7%. Female sterilization was the only method whose use increased constantly over the period. Use of the IUD was almost unchanged between 1977-82, while use of oral contraceptives and injectables both declined from 1982 to 1987 after increasing over the preceding 5 years. Contraceptive usage increased intensely in all subgroups of women studied between 1976-82, but in the 2nd period from 1982 to 1987 contraceptive usage declined significantly in some subgroups. Contraceptive prevalence among women in urban and metropolitan areas increased systematically after 1977. Rural women increased their use from 22.5% in 1977 to 48.6% in 1982. 5 years later the proportion of rural users had declined to 45.3% although it was still well above the level of 1976-77. The most significant increase in contraceptive usage among illiterate women and those with primary educations occurred from 1976 to 1982. In 1987 women with primary and higher levels of education demonstrated increases in contraceptive usage compared with 1982, but contraceptive usage among illiterate women declined from 40.8% in 1982 to 28.9% in 1987. Data from the 3 surveys demonstrate low but increasing rates of use among women 15-19 years old, who may be in the process of developing a new fertility pattern characterized by longer birth intervals. Women in the middle reproductive years had higher rates of use showing little change from 1982 to 1987 and unlikely to show great change in the future due to their already high level. Women aged 40-44 showed systematic increases in use from 1976 to 1987, but women aged 45-49 increased their use only from 32.6% in 1977 to 39.0% in 1987. The declines in age differentials in contraceptive prevalence from 1982 to 1987 demonstrate that age is losing weight as an explanatory factor. Between 1976-77 and 1982, women of all parities increased their contraceptive usage substantially. Women with 3 or fewer children continued to increase their usage through 1987, but usage among women with 4 or more children actually declined between 1982-87. The results suggest that a small proportion of rural, less educated, and high parity women may have returned to their former patterns of uncontrolled fertility. Nevertheless, fertility differentials were much smaller in 1987 than in 1976-77.     

The Labor(s) of Degrowth

The degrowth debate so far has lacked a clear vision of what social subjects, and which processes of political subjectivation, can turn its vision into a political strategy. In this contribution to the debate on degrowth and eco-socialism, I point to the place of labor in the politics of socio-ecological revolution, arguing that degrowth should aim for a truly democratic, workers’ controlled production system, where alienation is actively countered by a collective reappropriation of the products of labor and by a truly democratic decision-making process over the use of the surplus. Such strategy must be based on an extended concept of class relations that goes beyond the wage labor relation, and toward a broader conception of work as a (gendered and racialized) mediator of social metabolism. I conclude that ecosocialist degrowth should take the form of a struggle for dealienating both industrial and meta-industrial labor.     

Women with high fertility in Mexico: orientations for a population policy

The characteristics and correlates of high fertility women in Mexico were assessed for different age and residential groups with data from the National Demographic Survey of 1982. This survey included information on rural, urban and metropolitan Mexican women aged 15-49 years who had ever been in union. Rural areas were defined as those with fewer than 20,000 inhabitants. Metropolitan areas were Guadalajara, Monterrey, and Mexico City. High fertility was defined for the purpose of this study as at least 2 live births for women 15-19, 3 for women 20-24, 4 for those 25-29, 5 for those 30-34, 6 for those 35-39, and 7 for those 40-49. According to this definition about 40% of Mexican women are high fertility, with proportions ranging from about 1/3 of those 20-29 to half of those 35-49 years old. High fertility is about twice as common in women 15-19 in rural areas as in urban and metropolitan areas of Mexico. 10% of rural women aged 20-24 already have 5 children, compared to less than 1% of metropolitan women and under 3% of women in other urban areas. By age 45-49, 31% of rural women, 20% of other urban women, and 15% of metropolitan women have 10 or more children. 13% in all areas have 2 or 3. Large proportions of rural women in all age groups are high fertility, with the difference especially marked at young ages. The data on contraceptive usage indicate that high fertility women are among the increasing numbers of Mexican women attempting to control their family size. 10% of high fertility women in rural areas are sterilized and another 10% use oral contraceptives. Injectables and traditional methods share 3rd place. IUDs are almost nonexistent in rural areas. In urban and metropolitan zones about 1/4 of high fertility women have been sterilized. About 10% use pills. Traditional methods and IUDs are in 3rd place for urban women while injectables occupy 3rd place for metropolitan women. Except among women 30-34, about 70% of sterilizations in rural areas are in high fertility women. The data demonstrate the growing acceptance of family planning in rural as well as in urban areas. In 1969, only 10% of rural women in union had ever used a contraceptive method. The 43.1% of Mexican women with little or no schooling contribute 63% of the high fertility. High fertility women are overrepresented in the lowest educational stratum in all age groups. Methodological difficulties arise in comparing the fertility performance of different social groups. It appears however that agricultural workers and unsalaried self-employed workers contribute a disproportionate share of high fertility.     

Teen Sexuality: Empowering Teens to Decide

Within the last decade, considerable attention has been given toward teen sexuality in the United States. Adolescent pregnancy and limited contraceptive use by teens are viewed as major health and social problems in the United States today. The purpose of this paper is to propose intervention strategies for delaying the onset of sexual behavior among teens and for increasing contraceptive use among teens who are sexually active.     

Mortality reporting in SSA linked data: preliminary results

The earnings and benefit data of the Social Security Administration represent a fairly large and balanced sample of present and past wage earners nationwide. Since the incentives for reporting deaths to the Social Security Administration mean that deaths are reported as a matter of course, this data base serves as an interesting prospect for examining problems of differential mortality. Variables available include age, race, sex, industry, and place of employment. To check on the coverage and content differences between social security and death certificate data, a sample study is being undertaken that links the two sources for 1975 decedents. This article provides a preliminary examination of the differences between the presumably complete frame of death certificates and the social security record data. Related efforts now in progress to improve available information for use in further mortality research are also discussed briefly.     

Blood,fecundity, and contraceptive usage

This work describes ethnographic and other evidence that lower class women in southern Brazil believe that the fertile period is simultaneous with or closely related to the menstrual period. Ethnographic reports from both rural and urban areas in southern Brazil, materials on the folklore of the area, and findings of an ongoing study of four lower class neighborhoods served by community health services indicate that nearly all lower class adults of both sexes believe that conception is possible if not most likely during the menstrual period. Menstrual blood is not viewed as actually a part of women, but as a fluid which remains in the uterus after fertilization or otherwise as something dirty that must be eliminated. The cultural model of the female body includes notions of opening to allow elimination of the menstrual fluid, closing after its departure, and states of wetness and heat. Numerous informants reported cases in which women became pregnant while using IUDs or in the interval between 21-day packets of oral contraceptive (OC) pills. The fact that OCs reduce the menstrual flow is viewed as problematic, because blood that should be eliminated is apparently retained. The IUD, which causes long menstrual periods and intermenstrual bleeding, is also viewed with suspicion since it appears impossible to prevent pregnancy when there is actually greater flow. Irregular and incorrect use of OCs and very limited acceptance of IUDs may be factors in the growing demand for female sterilization and in the very high rates of illegal abortion.     

Testing the School‐to‐Prison Pipeline

The School‐to‐Prison Pipeline is a social phenomenon where students become formally involved with the criminal justice system as a result of school policies that use law enforcement, rather than discipline, to address behavioral problems. A potentially important part of the School‐to‐Prison Pipeline is the use of sworn School Resource Officers (SROs), but there is little research on the causal effect of hiring these officers on school crime or arrests. Using credibly exogenous variation in the use of SROs generated by federal hiring grants specifically to place law enforcement in schools, I find evidence that law enforcement agencies learn about more crimes in schools upon receipt of a grant, and are more likely to make arrests for those crimes. This primarily affects children under the age of 15. However, I also find evidence that SROs increase school safety, and help law enforcement agencies make arrests for drug crimes occurring on and off school grounds.     

Notes for a multidisciplinary study of female sterilization

This article attempts to reconstruct part of a study on female sterilization in Mexico. The research began with a demographic survey, which was continued with a regional psychologically-oriented survey and has been complemented with studies that apply qualitative analysis techniques and the redrawing of conceptual frameworks for reproduction-related topics and the regulation of fertility. The author attempts to bring together the features of several analytical perspectives for the study of female sterilization. He also argues that research needs to focus more on the social normativity of reproduction and sterilization, the way in which it is put into effect by institutional health programs, and family planning services. The paper also suggests the need to study health aspects of the women who have chosen this birth control method, who are estimated to total 25% of all married women of reproductive age in Mexico. (author's)     

Party system nationalisation and social spending

Party systems diverge in their levels of nationalisation. While in some countries parties obtain similar levels of electoral support in all districts, in others parties get very asymmetric electoral shares across districts. The distributive consequences of this have been seldom studied. The argument tested here is that when political parties have nationalised electorates they have stronger incentives to provide social policies that spread benefits all over the territory. This argument is tested in 22 OECD democracies for the period 1980?2006. The results show that, regardless of the electoral system in place, there is a positive relation between party system nationalisation and social spending.     

It Takes a Village: Peer Effects and Externalities in Technology Adoption

Do social networks matter for the adoption of new forms of political participation? We develop a formal model showing that the quality of communication that takes place in social networks is central to understanding whether a community will adopt forms of political participation where benefits are uncertain and where there are positive externalities associated with participation. Early adopters may exaggerate benefits, leading others to discount information about the technology's value. Thus, peer effects are likely to emerge only when informal institutions support truthful communication. We collect social network data for 16 Ugandan villages where an innovative mobile-based reporting platform was introduced. Consistent with our model, we find variation across villages in the extent of peer effects on technology adoption, as well as evidence supporting additional observable implications. Impediments to social diffusion may help explain the varied uptake of new and increasingly common political communication technologies around the world.     

On the measurement of social class and its role in shaping white vote choice in the 2016 U.S. presidential election

In this paper, I assess how social class influenced white vote choice in the 2016 U.S. presidential election. I use 2016 ANES data to create a measure of class that is based on an individual's income, education, occupation, and wealth. I then use a structural equation model to show that an individual's social class both directly and indirectly shaped vote choice. I demonstrate that low class standing was a significant predictor of support for Trump in the general election. I also show that social class exerted an indirect effect. Lower class standing is associated with higher levels of racial resentment and authoritarianism, which were in turn strong predictors vote choice. I conclude that social class was one of the primary determinants of white vote choice.     

Identifying the bandwagon effect in two-round elections

Albert Heckscher (1857–1897) was a Danish lawyer. In his dissertation (Bidrag till Grundlæggelse af en Afstemningslære), accepted in 1892 at the University of Copenhagen, Heckscher dealt with numerous issues related to voting, especially those related to vote-aggregation in parliaments, courts and committees. He knew the works of Condorcet and Borda quite well, and analyzed many topics that would nowadays fall into the domain of the theory of social choice. These include Condorcet-cycles, differences between Condorcet-effective rules and the Borda rule, strategic voting, the influence of the voting order under the parliamentary voting rules, the likelihood of single-peaked preference profiles, and the problems created by non-separable preferences. Heckscher’s treatment of the Judgment Aggregation Paradox is especially noteworthy. Although Kornhauser and Sager (Yale Law Journal 96: 82–117, 1986) are usually mentioned as the inventors of this problem, Heckscher’s earlier treatment confirms the suspicion that the problem is not of recent origin. Numerous issues studied in the post-Arrowian theory of voting may already be found in Heckscher’s dissertation; some of them have become subjects of systematic study only in the twenty-first century. It is argued that Albert Heckscher, the unknown nineteenth century Danish lawyer, deserves a place in the pantheon of the theory of social choice alongside his better known contemporaries Charles Dodgson and E. J. Nanson.     

Fertility in rural and urban areas of Mexico

Data from 6 fertility surveys conducted in Mexico between 1969-87 were used to compare rural and urban fertility and to determine whether a significant level of contraceptive usage could be achieved in rural areas despite their lack of socioeconomic development. Age-specific marital fertility rates were calculated for the 4 national-level and 2 rural fertility surveys. The index of fertility control developed by Coale and Trussel was calculated for rural, urban, and all areas. The marital total fertility rate in rural areas declined from 10.6 in 1970 to 7.4 in 1982, a decline of 2.5% annually. From 1982-87 the annual rate of decline in rural fertility slowed to 1.6%, reaching 6.8 children in 1987. The urban marital total fertility rate declined from 7.72 in 1976 to 5.03 in 1987, while the marital total fertility rate for Mexico as a whole declined from 9.04 in 1976 to 5.85 in 1987. The indices of fertility control showed slowly increasing use of contraception in rural areas starting from the very low level of 1969. The urban index of fertility control showed some contraceptive use for all age groups in all surveys. The increases in contraceptive usage were considerable in rural areas from 1976-82 and much less marked in urban areas. From 1982-87 the inverse was observed and the fertility decline in urban areas was more marked. The condition of natural fertility found in rural areas in 1969 subsequently disappeared. Over time, fertility decline and use of contraception have intensified. Contraception is widely practiced in urban areas and is continuing to become more prevalent. The rural fertility decline in 1976-82 suggests that at least sometimes increases in fertility control are more important in rural areas than in urban areas. The theory of modernization, which holds that fertility decline in developed countries is attributable to factors associated with the process of modernization, thus comes into question. However, it is probable that a sustained fertility decline in the most depressed rural areas will be achieved only with substantial socioeconomic change.     

The Comparative Study of Jokes

Jokes can only properly be studied comparatively and in relation to differences in the social structure and culture of the two or more countries where they are told. This is best done by looking at how joke cycles, large aggregates of jokes, change as they move between two countries that have the same language. American stupidity jokes about Poles and blondes changed significantly when they came to be told in Britain about the Irish and about Essex Girls, even though the same themes were employed. The changes can be related to the greater British willingness openly to acknowledge and to joke about class distinctions and to their not sharing the American obsession with hygiene, purity and physical perfection. American lawyer jokes are told in Britain not as local jokes about lawyers but as specifically American jokes about American lawyers. In Britain power and decision making lie with Parliament not judges and lawyers, a utilitarian not a rights political philosophy prevails and there is no sacred written constitution. In America there is far more respect for ‘the law’ and lawyers can not possibly live up to these expectations. In Britain to be a lawyer is just one more job and the lawyers do it honestly and unremarkably.     

Parenthood and social policy preferences: A gender and time sensitive examination

Attitudes towards social spending and the welfare state have been characterised by one of the longest standing and widest gender gaps. Past research suggests that parenthood deepens this divide further. Yet, the exact relationship between parenthood and support for social policies – and the gendered nature of this process – has been difficult to establish because it can vary across welfare policy areas and the age of the children, which past studies, relying on cross-sectional data, has found difficult to unravel. Using panel data from the Swiss Household Panel, we examine individual level changes in fathers’ and mothers’ views towards specific welfare state policies. We find that individuals’ support for social spending fluctuates at different stages of parenthood, and that mothers’ demands differ from fathers’ in relation to care related but not in terms of educational spending. This implies that parents are not a homogeneous group that parties could target with uniform electoral pledges. As a result, building widespread electoral support for expanding a broad range of social investment policies is likely to be challenging in a context where, first and foremost, self-interest appears to drive (or depress) individuals’ support for specific welfare state policies.     

Social Entrepreneurship,Entrepreneurship, Collectivism,and Everything in Between: Prototypes and Continuous Dimensions

This article uses prototypes and continuous dimensions to place social entrepreneurship in relation to other organizational forms. This approach is more fruitful than classical attempts to stipulate essential characteristics and establish boundaries. A prototype and continuous dimension approach allows consideration of the way social entrepreneurship functions similarly to and differently from related concepts, such as traditional entrepreneurship, public social services, and collectivism. These categories can be distinguished according to the degree to which control over the way value is created, allocated, and distributed occurs socially or entrepreneurially. This approach offers the additional advantage of making the concept more precise, as subdimensions clarify the relationship to practices such as volunteerism and theories such as antidevelopment. By mapping the network of organizational forms in which social entrepreneurship can be located, we can focus on the viability and advisability of different ways of solving social problems.     

Guilty by disassociation (and innocent by association): The impact of relevant and irrelevant analogies on political judgments

We investigate how associative (X is similar to Y) and disassociative (X is different from Y) analogies may affect judgments of political target stimuli they are employed to embellish. In an experimental study it was hypothesized that the judgmental relevance of the analogy-target relation is an important determinant of the effect of the analogy on subsequent judgments. It was reasoned that for irrelevant analogies the (dis)associative relation would be less efficiently encoded and utilized than the evaluative tone of the analogy itself, resulting in relative assimilation to the connotation of irrelevant analogies, even where the analogy was actually disassociated from the target. Where the analogy-target relation was relevant to judgments of the target, these judgments were predicted to follow the specified analogy-target relation for both associative and disassociative analogies. The predictions were supported. The relation of these results to social judgment models and to the rhetorical devices used to influence political judgment is discussed.     

May the weak force be with you: The power of the mass media in modern politics

Abstract.  The idea that the modern mass media have a strong and malign effect on many aspects of social and political life is widely and strongly held. Television is often said to undermine democratic government popular support for leaders and institutions. In spite of all that has been written about media malaise, however, both theory and evidence suggests that the media are a comparatively weak force whose effects can be deflected, diluted and diffused by stronger forces. These include bedrocks political values associated with class, religion, age, gender and education, as well as social networks and discussions, distrust of the mass media, and personal knowledge and experience. Equally, the variables that mediate the media may also magnify its effects so that what appears to be a large media effect is, in fact, the result of an interaction between the media and other forces. This article lays out the argument of the media malaise literature that covers government and politics, then outlines the social forces that mediate the media, and finally provides some evidence to illustrate the argument that the media are generally a weak force in society.