残碎下颌骨体（PM1～M2）判定性别的研究

目的　建立高度残碎下颌骨性别判定的判别方程。方法　对国内 8个省市的已知确切性别的 16 0具尸骨 (男 10 8例 ,女 5 2例 ,年龄范围 18～ 75岁 )的下颌骨进行研究 ,测量了下颌骨左侧颌体 (PM1～M2 )段的 2 4项测量指标 ,经社会科学软件包 (SPSS)对测量数据分析 ,筛选出性别差异显著的指标。结果　得到残碎下颌骨性别判别方程共计 14组。最高性别判别率男性为 78 7% ,女性为 76 9% ,综合为 73 8%。结论　该方法适用于碎尸、火灾、飞机失事等案事件以及考古中的高度残碎后牙段下颌骨的性别判别。     

桡骨性别鉴定的研究

目的通过对桡骨的测量,使用Fisher判别分析方法,建立了中国人桡骨性别判定的判别方程。方法本研究共测量了来自全国九省区的已知生前确切性别的210个个体的左右侧桡骨,其中男性160例,女性50例,年龄范围18岁～76岁。测量指标共有8项,使用SPSS软件,进行了桡骨左、右侧及男女性别间测量数据差异的t检验。根据对测量数据左、右侧及男女性别的检验,将差异不显著的测量项目剔除,建立了左、右侧桡骨性别判定的方程。结果单一测量指标的性别判定方程,除性别差异不显著的测量项目颈干角之外,性别判别率为57.7%～92.3%,桡骨长度测量指标的性别判别率为82.4%～88.5%,桡骨中段测量指标的性别判别率为77.8%～91.7%。完整桡骨测量指标的性别判别率91.7%～99.5%。结论本研究建立的桡骨性别判定方法,性别判定准确率高,使用方便,为中国人桡骨的性别判定提供了科学依据。     

中国汉族人耻骨性别判定的研究

目的为了探讨耻骨性别判定的更为简便可靠的方法。方法对96副已知生前确切性别的耻骨进行了性别差异的研究,其中男性耻骨73副,女性耻骨23副。测量项目有:缘枝角,耻骨宽,耻骨联合面的高及厚。结果将耻骨的测量数据输入电脑,用SPSS软件,对耻骨的测量数据进行了统计分析,建立了耻骨性别判定的判别方程。结论其性别判别率最高可达95.5%,该方法可以用于法医学实践。     

中国人股骨的性别鉴定

目的建立中国人股骨性别判定的方程。方法测量来自全国14省区的已知生前确切性别180例（男150例,女30例）个体的双侧股骨21项指标。使用统计软件SPSS13．0对获得的股骨测量项目数据,进行同一性别双侧间及不同性别同侧间的t检验,然后采用Fisher判别分析法和Bayes逐步判别分析法,建立股骨性别判定的系列判别函数。结果股骨单一测量指标中男性判别率最高指标为股骨上髁宽,为94．0％,女性判别率最高指标为股骨头周与股骨颈垂直径,为93．3％,总判别方程的判别率为男性98．0％,女性93．3％。结论本研究提供的判别方程式判别准确率较高,适用于中国人股骨的性别判定。     

中国汉族人颅骨数字模型的性别判别方法

目的利用步进Fisher法建立多元性别判别函数,对西安地区成年人颅骨进行性别判别。方法从颅面数据库中选择西安地区133个（73男,60女）三维颅骨模型,利用计算机软件测量并统计颅骨的12项几何测量指标和2项角度测量指标,利用步进Fisher方法建立多元性别判别函数,并对方程进行回代检验。结果男性的12项几何测量指标均值大于女性,女性的2项角度测量指标均值大于男性,除2项指标（X7和X14）外,其他指标均存在显著性差异（P〈0.01）。由4项指标建立的判别方程,判别率男性为87.5%,女性为86.67%。结论利用计算机软件可以实现完整颅骨和无下颌的颅骨的性别判别。     

中国人肱骨的性别鉴定

目的 建立中国人肱骨性别判定的方程。方法 测量了来自全国9省区的已知生前确切性别的103个个体的左右侧肱骨的12项测量指标,使用SPSS软件,对所获得的测量数据,进行男女性别间测量数据的t检验。剔除性别检验差异不显著的测量项目,使用Fisher判别分析方法,建立肱骨性别判定方程。结果 单一测量指标的性别判定方程20组,性别判别率为75.9％～89.3％;肱骨上端的性别判定方程2组,性别判别率为83.6％～85.7％;肱骨中段的性别判定方程2组,性别判别率为81.3％～83.9％;肱骨下端的性别判定方程2组,性别判别率为82％。完整肱骨的性别判别率,左侧87％,右侧90.9％,双侧肱骨的性别判别率为96.3％。结论 建立的肱骨性别判别方程,适用于中国人肱骨的性别判定。     

中国南方汉族人残碎股骨上端的性别判定

目的建立中国南方地区汉族人残碎股骨上端性别判别方法。方法对国内南方九省市的已知确切性别的100具股骨进行研究，测量股骨上端的7项指标，应用SPSS统计软件对数据进行分析，建立性别判别方程。结果7项指标中6项指标存在显著的性别差异，建立全指标及单指标的性别判别方程，判别率在59．6％～92．9％。结论建立的性别判别方程可以用于法医学实践。     

中国人胫骨的性别判定

目的建立中国人胫骨性别判定的方程。方法测量来自全国14省区已知生前确切性别的180例（男150例,女30例）个体的跫侧胫骨的13项指标,使用统计软件SPSS13．0,对所获得的测量数据进行同一性别双侧间以及不同性别同侧间胫骨测量项目的t检验,最后用Fisher判别分析法,建立国人胫骨性别判定的方程式。结果单一测量指标的性别判别方程13组,其性别判别准确率为66．7％～96．7％,总判别方程的判别准确率为男性97．3％,女性93．3％。结论本研究提供的判别方程式判别准确率较高,适用于中国人胫骨的性别判定。     

中国汉族人腰椎的性别差异

目的提供体质人类学的数据资料 ,建立中国汉族腰椎性别判别的方法。方法根据人体骨骼测量方法 ,测量 117付 (男 80 ,女 3 7付 ,年龄 17～ 90岁 )中国汉族人腰椎的 10项指标 ;选择性别差异显著的椎测量项目 ,建立腰椎及各腰椎的性别判别方程。结果第一至第五腰椎均有 5个以上的测量项目的数据存在显著意义的性别差异 (P<0 0 5 ) ;建立的 5个腰椎及各腰椎的性别判别方程 ,判别率在 69 4%～ 91 8% ,以 5个腰椎的多项指标的性别判别方程的准确率最高 (91 8% ) ,其次为第一腰椎 (84 5 % )和第二腰椎 (82 1% )。结论中国汉族人腰椎的性别差异以第一和第二腰椎明显 ,腰椎性别判定以多项指标的准确率高     

第12胸椎三维重建图像性别判定研究

目的考察计算机断层扫描(CT)技术测量中国汉族第12胸椎判定性别的效果,探索CT技术在法医人类学人体骨骼测量研究中应用的可行性。方法确定11项径线指标测量第12胸椎多层面重组(MPR)三维重建图像,剔除不稳定指标后计算四项比值指标,统计各项指标的数据考察CT测量第12胸椎判定性别的效果。结果剔除两次测量结果不稳定的三项指标后的12项指标性别差异显著,建立了7个性别判定方程,综合判别率在80.0%~91.6%,仅含椎体指标的方程性别判别率最高达91.6%。结论中国汉族人第12胸椎形态学测量指标具有性别差异,CT技术可以准确测量骨骼,对法医人类学人体骨骼测量研究具有应用价值。     

Bhartṛhari and Maṇḍana on Avidyā

The concept of avidyā is one of the central categories in the Advaita of Śaṇkara and Maṇḍana. Shifting the focus from māyā, interpreted either as illusion or as the divine power, this concept brings ignorance to the forefront in describing duality and bondage. Although all Advaitins accept avidyā as a category, its scope and nature is interpreted in multiple ways. Key elements in Maṇḍana’s philosophy include the plurality of avidyā, individual selves as its substrate and the Brahman as its field (viṣaya), and the distinction in avidyā between non-apprehension and misapprehension. A closer investigation shows that Maṇḍana is directly influenced by Bhartṛhari’s linguistic non-dualism in developing the concept of avidyā. This study also compares other key constituents such as vivartta and pariṇāma that are relevant to the analysis of avidyā. As the concept of counter-image (pratibimba) emerges as a distinct stream of Advaita subsequent to Maṇḍana, this study also compares the application of pratibimba in the writings of Bhartṛhari and Maṇḍana.     

Unraveling the <Emphasis Type="Italic">Kāvyaprakāśa</Emphasis>: Jayadeva Pīyūṣavarṣa’s idiosyncratic sequence of topics in the <Emphasis Type="Italic">Candrāloka</Emphasis>

In his twelfth century alaṃkāraśāstra, the Candrāloka, Jayadeva Pīyūṣavarṣa reverses the sequence of topics found in Mammaṭa’s Kāvyapr-akāśa, an earlier and immensely popular work. With such a structural revisionism, Jayadeva asserts the autonomy of his own work and puts forth an ambitious critique of earlier approaches to literary analysis. Jayadeva investigates the technical and aesthetic components of poetry in the first part of the Candrāloka, prior to his formal semantic investigations in the latter half of the text, thus suggesting that aesthetic evaluations of poetry beneficially inform scientific investigations of language. Jayadeva’s organization of his chapters on the semantic operations, moreover, intimates that the study of suggestive and metaphoric functions of language clarifies our understanding of denotation, which is conventionally understood to be the primary and direct path of verbal designation.     

Immigration,intermarriage and the changing face of Europe in the post war period

In this article we compare the propensity to intermarry of various migrant groups and their children who settled in Germany, France, England, Belgium and the Netherlands in the post-war period, using a wide range of available statistical data. We try to explain different intermarriage patterns within the framework of Alba and Nee's assimilation theory and pay special attention to the role of religion, colour and colonial background. We therefore compare colonial with non colonial migrants and within these categories between groups with ‘European’ (Christian) and non-European (Islam, Hinduism) religions. First of all, religion appears to be an important variable. Migrants whose faith has no tradition in Western Europe intermarry at a much lower rate than those whose religious backgrounds correspond with those that are common in the country of settlement. The rate of ethnic endogamous marriages in Western Europe are highest in Hindu and Muslim communities, often regardless if they came as guest workers or colonial migrants. Whereas differences in religion diminish the propensity to intermarry, colour or ‘racial’ differences on the other hand seem to be less important. This is largely explained by the pre-migration socialisation. Furthermore, the paper argues that the attention to institutions, as rightly advocated by Richard Alba and Victor Nee, needs a more refined and layered elaboration. Institutions, often as barriers to intermarriage, do not only emanate from the receiving society, but also—be it less formalized—within migrant communities. Especially religions and family systems, but also organized nationalist feelings, can have a profound influence on how migrants think about endogamy. Finally, strong pressures to assimilate, often through institutionalized forms of discrimination and stigmatization, not only produce isolation and frustrate assimilation (with resulting low intermarriage rates), but can also stimulate assimilation by 'passing' mechanisms. These factors, together with a more comparative perspective, are not completely ignored in the new assimilation theory, but—as this study of Western European intermarriage patterns stresses—deserve to be included more systematically in historical and social scientist analyses.     

Turning a Madhyamaka Trick: Reply to Huntington

Huntington (2007); argues that recent commentators (Robinson, 1957; Hayes, 1994; Tillemans, 1999; Garfield and Priest, 2002) err in attributing to Nāgārjuna and Candrakīrti a commitment to rationality and to the use of argument, and that these commentators do violence to the Madhyamaka project by using rational reconstruction in their interpretation of Nāgārjuna’s and Candrakīrti’s texts. Huntington argues instead that mādhyamikas reject reasoning, distrust logic and do not offer arguments. He also argues that interpreters ought to recuse themselves from argument in order to be faithful to these texts. I demonstrate that he is wrong in all respects: Nāgārjuna and Candrakīrti deploy arguments, take themselves to do so, and even if they did not, we would be wise to do so in commenting on their texts.     

The Supreme Array Scripture: A New Interpretation of the Title “Gaṇḍavyūha-sūtra”

This article argues for a new interpretation of the Sanskrit compound gaṇḍa-vyūha as it is used in the common title of the Mahāyāna text the Gaṇḍavyūha-Sūtra.The author begins by providing a brief history of the sūtra’s appellations in Chinese and Tibetan sources. Next, the meanings of gaṇḍa (the problematic member of the compound) are explored. The author proposes that contemporary scholars have overlooked a meaning of gaṇḍa occurring in some compounds, wherein gaṇḍa can mean simply “great,” “big” or “massive.” This general sense is particularly common in the compound gaṇda-śaila (a “massive rock” or “boulder”) and is found in such texts as the Bhāgavata Purāṇa, the Harivaṃśa and the Harṣacarita. Following the discussion of Gaṇḍa, the author examines the term vyūha (“array”) as it is used in the Gaṇḍavyūha-sūtra. The article concludes with the suggestion that a more appropriate translation of the Gaṇḍavyūha-sūtra would be “The Supreme array Scripture.”     

The Mūlāvidyā Controversy Among Advaita Vedāntins: was Śaṅkara Himself Responsible?

The concept of avidyā or ignorance is central to the Advaita Vedāntic position of Śȧnkara. The post-Śaṅkara Advaitins wrote sub-commentaries on the original texts of Śaṅkara with the intention of strengthening his views. Over the passage of time the views of these sub-commentators of Śaṅkara came to be regarded as representing the doctrine of Advaita particularly with regard to the concept of avidyā. Swami Satchidanandendra Saraswati, a scholar-monk of Holenarsipur, challenged the accepted tradition through the publication of his work Mūlāvidyānirāsaḥ, particularly with regard to the avidyādoctrine. It was his contention that the post-Śaṅkara commentators brought their own innovations particularly on the nature of avidyā. This was the idea of mūlāvidyā or ‘root ignorance’, a positive entity which is the material cause of the phenomenal world. Saraswati argues that such an idea of mūlāvidyā is not to be found in the bhāṣyas (commentaries) of Śaṅkara and is foisted upon Śaṅkara. This paper attempts to show that although Śaṅkara may not have explicitly favoured such a view of mūlāvidyā, his lack of clarity on the nature of avidyā left enough scope for the post-Śaṅkara commentators to take such a position on avidyā.     

Evaluation of six presumptive tests for blood, their specificity, sensitivity, and effect on high molecular-weight DNA

Luminol, leuchomalachite green, phenolphthalein, Hemastix, Hemident, and Bluestar are all used as presumptive tests for blood. In this study, the tests were subjected to dilute blood (from 1:10,000 to 1:10,000,000), many common household substance, and chemicals. Samples were tested for DNA to determine whether the presumptive tests damaged or destroyed DNA. The DNA loci tested were D2S1338 and D19S433. Leuchomalachite green had a sensitivity of 1:10,000, while the remaining tests were able to detect blood to a dilution of 1:100,000. Substances tested include saliva, semen, potato, tomato, tomato sauce, tomato sauce with meat, red onion, red kidney bean, horseradish, 0.1 M ascorbic acid, 5% bleach, 10% cupric sulfate, 10% ferric sulfate, and 10% nickel chloride. Of all the substances tested, not one of the household items reacted with every test; however, the chemicals did. DNA was recovered and amplified from luminol, phenolphthalein, Hemastix, and Bluestar, but not from leuchomalachite green or Hemident.     

Illumination,Imagination, Creativity: Rājaśekhara,Kuntaka, and Jagannātha on <Emphasis Type="Italic">Pratibhā</Emphasis>

Sanskrit poeticians make the visionary faculty of pratibhā a necessary part of the professional poet’s make-up. The term has a pre-history in Bhartṛhari’s linguistic metaphysics, where it is used to explain the unitary perception of meaning. This essay examines the relation between pratibhā and possible theories of the imagination, with a focus on three unusual theoreticians—Rājaśekhara, Kuntaka, and Jagannātha Paṇḍita. Rājaśekhara offers an analysis of pratibhā that is heavily interactive, requiring the discerning presence of the bhāvaka listener or critic; he also positions pratibhā in relation to Bildung (vyutpatti) and practice. For Kuntaka, pratibhā, never an ex nihilo creation by a poet, serves as the basis for the peculiar forms of intensified insight and experience that constitute poetry; these may also involve the creative scrambling and re-articulation of the object in terms of its systemic composition. At times, Kuntaka’s pratibhā comes close to a strong notion of imaginative process. But the full-fledged thematization of the imagination, and of pratibhā as its support and mechanism, is best seen in the seventeenth-century debates preserved for us by Jagannātha. A link is suggested between the discourse of poetic imagination in Jagannātha and similar themes that turn up in Indo-Persian poets such as Bedil.     

Preventing Homelessness for System‐Involved Youth

Too many youth and young adults find themselves on the streets, couch‐surfing with friends, in emergency shelters or worse, after exiting the child welfare and juvenile justice systems. In some circumstances, youth have had court hearings until their exit from the legal system, but those hearings have not focused on long‐range plans of youth and emergencies youth may encounter. In other circumstances, there has been little or no planning prior to discharge, especially for young people who leave the juvenile justice system. Courts can and should prevent, alleviate or end youth homelessness for youth who appear before them through strategies that are enumerated in the recently‐passed NCJFCJ resolution. This article expounds on three of these strategies – coordinating transition and re‐entry plans, insisting on effective legal representation of youth, and utilizing sound judicial leadership. It also describes the concurrent efforts of the Coalition for Juvenile Justice and the American Bar Association's Homeless Youth Legal Network to remove legal barriers and improve outcomes for youth and young adults experiencing homelessness.     

Best practices for structuring a family court parenting plan evaluation under the 2022 AFCC Guidelines

Evaluation appointment orders provide enforceable scaffolding for conduct of family court parenting plan evaluations, and use of the evaluator's reports, feedback, file, and testimony. Unlike a contract, a stipulated or adjudicated appointment order is directly enforceable by the family court. It unambiguously positions the evaluator as the family court's appointee – answerable directly to the court and, in some jurisdictions, protected by quasi-judicial immunity from damages claims. A well-crafted appointment order governs the roles and expectations of the court, the evaluator, the parties, the lawyers, and the collateral witnesses. An appointment order mandates the legal duties, rights, powers, and responsibilities of the professionals, the parties, and the collateral witnesses. At minimum, an appointment order articulates the legal basis for the appointment, the purpose and scope of the evaluation, compensation of evaluator, and the duty of the parties to participate in the process. A written evaluation protocol or procedures statement discloses in advance the methods of investigation and assessment that the evaluator intends to use. Together, the appointment order and written protocol help the evaluator, lawyers, parents, and judge manage the complexity of the evaluation process.