If The US And Japan Don't Deter China,Dominos Will Fall

Despite grand visions of a cosmopolitan planet living in peace, the first globalization at the turn of the 20th century descended into World War I as the old empires scrambled to preserve themselves as others sought self‐determination. Powers on the losing end of that war reasserted themselves in yet another worldwide calamity within decades. After World War II, in the early 1950s, with the victorious American‐led alliance in the driver's seat, institutions such as the United Nations and the Bretton Woods arrangements created a global stability that enabled peace, prosperity and the “rise of the rest.” In 2014, the world order is shifting again with the rise of China reviving in Asia the very kind of nationalist rivalries that led Europe to war twice in the 20th century. Will we be able to build new institutions that accommodate the new powershift without resorting to war, or will the second globalization collapse as well? Top strategists from the US, Japan and China respond to this momentous question.     

伊朗会继利比亚之后向美国屈服吗?

非洲的利比亚过去一向以反对强权政治和反美调门高而著称.美国也曾给它扣上了"无赖国家"、"支持恐怖主义"等等罪名,并实行长期制裁,甚至用导弹对它进行打击.但是,它并没有屈服于美国的强大压力,利美关系长期处于紧张状态.然而,随着形势的变化,特别是在美国武装入侵伊拉克,推翻其政权并捕获和关押了萨达姆后,情况发生了很大变化.     

朝鲜核危机:美国如何应对?

继20世纪90年代的两次核危机之后,2002年 10月以来,朝鲜半岛再度陷入第三次核危机。朝鲜先后承认其拥有提取高浓缩铀计划,宣布解除朝美核框架协议对朝核计划的冻结、退出《不扩散核武器条约》、为电力生产重新启动核设施等等。美国对此反应强烈,停止向朝供应重油,并将朝核问题提交联合国安理会讨论。朝美双方唇枪舌剑、针锋相对,     

论美国海权之路中的外交因素及其对中国的启示

海权是“权力”内涵的延伸,即国际关系行为体（主要指国家）的权力在海洋上的延伸和拓展。     

美国的选举制度

四年一次的美国总统选举将在11月举行.民主党候选人"Two Johns"(约翰·克里和约翰·爱得华兹)所组成的竞选班子已登台亮相,向现任总统、共和党候选人乔治·W·布什提出挑战,美国的"选举秀"不断升温.事实上,作为现代西方国家民主制创始国之一,美国的总统选举制度有其独特之处.     

The Next 40 Years Will Be the Most Important in History

The solidarity of the G‐20 nations in staving off global financial crisis two years ago has deteriorated into a brawl over currency valuations, trade imbalances and sovereign debt, reflecting the great powershift from the West to the East and the emerging economies. In this section, we invited comments from historians, a former head of state who successfully navigated the Asian financial crisis and a prominent Chinese dissident.     

The Limits of Local Accommodation: Why Contentious Events Remain Prone to Conflict in Northern Ireland

This article examines the difficulties of finding local solutions to the problem of contentious events in contemporary Northern Ireland. In so doing, it offers a sociological perspective on fundamental divisions in Northern Ireland: between classes and between communities. It shows how its chosen case study—parades and associated protests in north Belfast—exemplifies the most fundamental problem that endures in post-Agreement Northern Ireland, namely that political authority is not derived from a common civic culture (as is the norm in Western liberal democracy) but rather that legitimacy is still founded on the basis of the culture of either one or the other community. Haugaard's reflections on authority and legitimacy are used to explore Northern Ireland's atypical experience of political conflict vis-à-vis the Western liberal democratic model. The Bourdieusian concepts of field illusio and doxa help to explain why it is that parading remains such an important political and symbolic touchstone in this society.     

伊朗核问题会峰回路转吗?

美欧与伊朗在"伊核问题"上针锋相对、互不退让,经过10个多月的激烈争斗后,于6月初向伊朗提出了一个条件更加优惠的一揽子解决新方案.新方案在很大程度上反映出美欧,特别是美国对伊朗强硬立场的无奈,但同时也是布什政府以退为进,争取主动,为组建对伊朗制裁的广泛国际统一阵线新的外交努力.新方案虽使伊朗与美欧紧张关系得到短暂的缓和,但因"伊核问题"涉及到双方的根本利益,双方都难以做出实质性的让步,因此,估计双方的斗争还会持续,中东海湾地区围绕着"伊核问题"的紧张局势难以在短期内消除.     

美国成人教育的五大特点

20世纪90年代以来,迅速发展的科学技术使美国社会的各个方面都发生了巨大的变化.生产结构和产业结构的不断调整、人口年龄结构不断变化,以及教育系统自身的变革与发展,使美国的成人教育出现了五大明显特点.     

Culture-centric pre-emptive counterinsurgency and US Africa Command: assessing the role of the US social sciences in US military engagements in Africa

The twenty-first century has seen a continued evolution of the US military’s strategic interest in socio-cultural knowledge of (potential) adversaries for counterinsurgency strategies. This paper explores the implications of the reinvigorated and expanding (post-9/11) relationship between social science research and US military strategy, assessing the implications of US Africa Command strategies for preventive counterinsurgency. Preventative counterinsurgency measures are ‘Phase Zero’ or ‘contingency’ operations that seek to prevent possible outcomes, namely threats to ‘security’ in Africa. The research initiatives of US Africa Command illustrate a culture-centric approach to this strategy, which seeks to draw from detailed socio-cultural knowledge in the prevention of possible populist or popular uprisings. Recent such uprisings, resistance actions and strikes in the continent illustrate a problematic tendency to interpret various forms of populist resistance as ‘terrorist’ actions, thereby condoning the bolstering of African national military capacity. The article considers the implications of these culture-centric counterinsurgency strategies as a means of anticipating and repressing the variety of mobilisations encapsulated within the ‘terrorism’ catchall. We conclude by urging social scientists to reject and disconnect from US Africa Command’s missions and knowledge acquisition efforts in Africa.