推进公民的有序政治参与

【提要】政治参与是政治文明进程的一个重要变量。一个国家的政治参与程度,反映着这个国家的民主发展水平。推进公民有序的政治参与,体现了民主和法治、发展和稳定的有机结合,具有重要的现实意义：推进公民有序的政治参与,有利于推进民主政治的发展、有利于维护社会政治稳定、有利于促进公民个体的全面发展、有利于体现现代国家行政的公共性。扩大有序政治参与是未来我国民主法治建设的重点,是一个需要在实践中不断探索的课题。     

政治文明与扩大我国公民政治参与

发展社会主义民主政治 ,建设社会主义政治文明 ,是社会主义现代化建设的重要目标。而政治参与是现代政治文明的本质特征 ,是社会主义政治文明的重要表征和推动力量。改革开放以来 ,我国公民的政治参与有了新的发展 ,但是当前在参与政治过程中还存在着一些不尽人意的地方 ,主要体现在一定领域和一定程度上的参与缺失 ,并形成了对政治文明建设的制约。对此 ,我们要在分析其产生原因的基础上 ,及时采取相应的对策 ,进一步以发展社会主义政治文明为目标 ,扩大我国的公民参与     

我国的公民政治参与

公民政治参与是检验当代民主政治的重要指标。文章通过分析改革开放三十多年来中国公民政治参与的变化、内在原因及所存在的问题来观察当代中国政治。中国政治的逻辑已经发生巨大变革，但要实现真正的社会主义民主政治还有很长的一段路要走。以扩大公民有序政治参与为特征的政治体制改革，是当前党和国家所要面临的一项主要任务。     

我国公民政治参与动因的变迁

研究我国公民政治参与动因的变迁,能把握公民政治参与动因的发展与构成,认清当前政治参与动因的现状及趋势,深刻认识公民责任动因是我国公民当前以及今后急需具备的较高层次的政治参与动因,进而更好地创造条件促进公民政治参与责任动因的成长,最终有利于扩大公民有序政治参与,促进我国政治文明建设。     

政治参与视阈下的群体性事件探析

近年来我国群体性事件时有发生,由此可以看到我国公民政治参与意识日益增强,同时也折射出目前我国公民政治参与机制存在诸多问题。群体性事件发生的主要原因是公民无序政治参与,因此,构建公民有序政治参与是防范群体性事件发生的积极举措。     

论我国公民有序政治参与

政治参与作为民主政治的核心内容,有利于我国政治文明的发展,本文概括我国公民政治参与过程中存在的问题,提出解决的途径。     

政治文明视阈下的我国公民政治参与

政治参与作为公民行使政治权利的基本途径,是衡量一个国家民主政治发展状况的重要尺度,是政治文明建设的内在要求和推动力。我国公民政治参与的总体水平仍然比较低,政治参参与的机制仍有诸多不完善的地方,存在许多亟待解决的问题。应努力扩大我国公民有序的政治参与,推动我国政治民主化进程。     

论网络时代的公民政治参与的意义

政治参与对保障公民的政治权利和利益,推动政治民主化具有积极的意义.网络的发展对当代公民的政治参与产生了积极影响,改善了公民政治参与的技术手段,拓宽了公民政治参与的渠道,提高了公民的参政质量.但是网络对公民政治参与的消极影响也不容忽视,如何更好地规范网络政治参与的秩序,以促进网络政治参与的健康发展是网络时代的一个重要课题.     

当代中国公民政治参与的特征分析

从政治民主化的视角来看,当代中国的政治参与,作为公民的一种行为,呈现出明显的被动性、形式性、非理性、功利性和盲从性等特征。被动性,就是参与主体并非出于自愿和自觉,而是在外力的作用下被迫参与政治生活。形式性,就是公民政治参与的途径不能发挥保持和促进民主政治健康运行的作用。非理性就是指公民在参与政治的过程中表现出极端非理智性的心态与行为。功利性,就是公民的政治参与主要是从自身利益,而不是基于一个公民政治责任意识的自觉参与。盲从性,就是公民的政治参与非为一定的目的或动机所驱使,而是源自于自身的一种"盲目"的"本能"和"不自觉"。     

论公共政策执行中的公民政治参与

公共政策执行中的公民政治参与是社会主义国家民主政治的基本内涵 ,是公民享有参与管理国家和社会各项事务的权利体现 ,是公共政策执行民主化的必然要求。公共政策执行中的公民政治参与要求公民参与政策执行计划、沟通、监督、评估等基本过程之中 ,以人事行政参与、行政合同参与、社区自治参与和政务公开参与为实现途径 ,确保公共政策执行民主化的真正实现和公民政治参与的具体落实     

Uncertainty and political participation

The minimax regret model of decision making under uncertainty, which was proposed by Ferejohn and Fiorina (1974) as a model of the voting decision, is here generalized to encompass forms of political participation (such as contributing money or time to a campaign) in which the range of alternatives is continuous. A principal implication of the model is that aggregate campaign contributions may be substantially increased by limiting the amount that any one individual can contribute. The conditions under which the behavior of a minimax regret decision maker can be unambiguously distinguished from that of an expected utility maximizer are also specified.     

Corrupt political jurisdictions and voter participation

An FBI investigation of county purchasing activities in the mid 1980s resulted in the conviction of 55 of Mississippi's 410 county supervisors. Analyzing data from the state's 1987 county supervisor elections and hypothesizing that candidates' demands for votes increase as the gains from holding public office increase, we predict larger voter turnouts in the 26 of the state's 82 counties where supervisor corruption was exposed. Holding constant average voter turnout in the preceding U.S. presidential election and controlling for the competitiveness of supervisor races, we find that more Mississippians indeed voted in corrupt than in non-corrupt counties.     

政治心理视角下的网络政治参与

网络政治参与在我国已成峰火燎原之势.在网络政治参与众语喧哗的背后,蕴藏着我国公民对廉洁政府、服务型政府和社会公平正义的诸多期待.这种期待是网络政治参与动机的重要构成部分.网络政治参与动机主要有三种:经济利益动机、伦理道德动机、归属和成就动机.在多种动机驱动下的网民,通过网络上的学习、交流和强化,最终形成网络"群体极化"现象."群体极化"现象的形成,客观上要求政府对网络政治参与心理进行调适和疏导.     

当代中国农民政治参与的政治文化因素分析

政治参与是现代社会民主制度赖以存在的基础,也是民主政治的重要内容.当今中国正处于从传统社会向现代社会的转型时期,占人口大多数的农民的政治参与水平也是衡量中国政治发展的重要指标之一.因此,应建立社会主义新型政治文化,从而提高农民政治参与的水平,促进中国民主政治建设有序、健康的向前发展.     

论流动人口的政治参与

政治参与是衡量一个国家政治发展程度的一个重要标准 ,目前我国 1 2亿流动人口的政治参与还没有引起理论界及政府的足够重视 ,本文对流动人口的政治参与的意义及存在的问题进行了初步的探析 ,并为解决这一状况提供了一些初步的对策     

Analyzing the representativeness of internet political participation

Political participation researchers have developed several evaluative techniques to assess the representativeness of political participation patterns. Yet, while the Internet has become a mainstream avenue for political participation in the United States, current assessments of online participation insufficiently apply these methods. To incorporate these methods we begin by drawing upon resource theory to inform two-stage ordered-logit models of online and offline political participation. Our results suggest that the factors predicting online participation often differ from the factors that predict offline participation. Even so, we find that those from higher socioeconomic backgrounds tend to disproportionately possess these distinct online determinants. Next, we use a wide spectrum of political opinion questions to determine whether online participators opinions reflect or distort those of the general population. Overall, we find that online participation tends to relate moderately with liberal preferences. However, because offline participation relates to political attitudes similarly, the Internet only marginally advantages the political voice of liberals. Finally, we discuss the implications of these results.     

Conceptualizations of good citizenship and political participation

Theorists have variously defined what it means to be a good citizen. But how do citizensthemselves views their responsibilities? And is there any relationship between a person's view of citizenship and his or her political participation? This paper uses a combination of methods to explore these issues. A Q method study reveals four citizenship perspectives that provide evidence for striking differences in how people define the participatory responsibilities of a good citizen. An exploratory survey analysis finds that the four citizenship perspectives are significantly related to political behavior, even when socioeconomic status and attitudinal variables related to participation are controlled. While adding to our understanding of participation, these findings also underscore the importance of investigating the conceptualizations of citizens to gain more complete understandings of how political systems work.     

Race,associational involvement,and political participation

Previous research on racial differences in group affiliation and activism examines the role of organizational involvement both as a form of social participation and as an independent predictor of political participation. This study is based on data from a national sample of the 1987 adult population that replicated the basic measures of social and political participation from Verba and Nie’s classic study. We separate our respondents into homogeneous racial groups and specify organizational participation by type of association to determine which group joins what organization and the relevance of such patterns for involvement in the polity. Although our findings only provide mixed support for the claim advanced by other scholars that Blacks’ social activity exceeds or equals that of Whites once controls for sociodemographic status are taken into consideration, these results provide clear evidence that Black and White organizations differ in their capacity to motivate their members for political activity.