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This paper empirically analyzes whether government size is conducive or detrimental to life satisfaction in a cross-section of 74 countries. We thus provide a test of the longstanding dispute between standard neoclassical economic theory and public choice theory. According to the neoclassical view, governments play unambiguously positive roles for individuals' quality of life, while the theory of public choice has been developed to understand why governments often choose excessive involvement in – and regulation of – the economy, thereby harming their citizens' quality of life. Our results show that life satisfaction decreases with higher government consumption. For low, middle income, and male people, this result is stronger when the government is leftwing, while government consumption appears to be less harmful for women when the government is perceived to be effective. Government capital formation and social spending have no significant impact on life satisfaction.  相似文献   

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An inquiry is made into California's efforts to utilize the blessings of science and systematic analysis in formulating public policy. Four alternate sources of scientific and analytic help have received the State's attention: profit-seeking firms, not-for-profit research organizations, universities, and in-house scientific staffs or advisory boards. Potentialities and limitations of each of the four sources are reviewed.  相似文献   

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The Carter human rights policy was grounded in American historic oscillation between pragmatism and idealism. It represented a major change, yet was prefigured in congressional initiatives, which continued thereafter. After an initial honeymoon, human rights like all “new” policies became a contentious bureaucratic and diplomatic issue, was modified to fit changing realities, and was eventually obscured by crises in Iran and Afghanistan. Criticized from left to right abroad and at home, the Carter human rights policy illustrated the impossibility of avoiding inconsistency in global policies-but also the certainty that, given the American tradition, it will continue to emerge on the policy stage.  相似文献   

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To better cultivate their world citizenship awareness better in the future, the Chinese citizens today need to inherit the fine Chinese traditional world citizenship thoughts. The Chinese traditional world citizenship thoughts, with ideas such as ‘Datong shijie’ (‘a world of grand unity’), ‘Tianren heyi’ (‘unity of heaven and human’), ‘Rendao zhuyi’ (humanitarianism), and ‘Heping zhuyi’ (pacifism), contained the seeds of a concept of world citizenship. In comparison with the Western counterpart, the citizen consciousness in China's traditional society was very weak, China's traditional minzhong (people) concepts were based on its state concept of ‘Tian Xia’ (All-under-Heaven), and a sense of citizenship in the late Qing was built by using the cultural resources of both Confucianism and Western philosophy. For the transcendence of Chinese citizenship toward world citizenship, the first thing to do is to foster a civil spirit in China, the second, to promote the growth of China's civil society, the third, to encourage Chinese citizens to actively take part in global governance and bear international responsibilities, and the fourth, to pay more attention to the role of Chinese universities, which serve as the fundamental basis, support, channel, and venue for fostering world citizenship awareness.  相似文献   

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《Strategic Comments》2017,23(5):i-ii
Newly elected French President Emmanuel Macron, while inexperienced in international affairs, is inclined to return France to a de Gaulle/Mitterand tradition of national assertiveness. At the same time, his native prudence, as well as the geostrategic realities of the early twenty-first century, suggest more continuity than change.  相似文献   

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In this paper I advocate a left-libertarian approach to egalitarian world ownership that combines common ownership of land, following Henry George (where private appropriation is subject to the payment of rent), with joint ownership of finite and exhaustible resources such as oil (where use is subject to a collective decision-making process and tax paid at the point of extraction). This rent and tax together create a common fund available for global distribution. I argue that this approach offers improvements on Hillel Steiner’s proposal for a global fund, and Thomas Pogge’s proposal for a Global Resources Dividend (GRD) since it does not penalize states for the inclusion of valuable resources within their territory that are not being used, while it also does not allow states to benefit from the use of resources elsewhere while simultaneously refusing to exploit the resources within their own borders. Moreover, joint ownership need not conflict with the libertarian commitment to self-ownership, as is often thought to be the case, and when supplementing common ownership of land it can provide an egalitarian outcome as well as greater protection for future generations and the environment.  相似文献   

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In attempting to understand continuity and change in U.S. foreign policy, analysts have tended to place too much emphasis on the importance of process and too little on that of values, interests, and strategies. In formulating policies toward the conflict in El Salvador, both the Carter and Reagan administrations were constrained by some enduring moral and political factors in the U.S. civic culture and by some fundamental processes of decision-making, which together account for the similarities in policy between administrations. Despite such factors, each administration's remaining space for choice produced a decidedly different set of policies with different outcomes.  相似文献   

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Scott Lash and John Urry, THE END OF ORGANIZED CAPITALISM (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1987)

Michael E. Porter, THE COMPETITIVE ADVANTAGE OF NATIONS (New York: The Free Press, 1990)

Alice Teichova, Maurice Lévy‐Leboyer and Helga Nussbaum, eds., MULTINATIONAL ENTERPRISE IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989)  相似文献   

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Abstract

In a world risk society, we must distinguish between ecological and financial dangers, which can be conceptualized as side effects, and the threat from terrorist networks as intentional catastrophes; the principle of deliberately exploiting the vulnerability of modern civil society replaces the principle of chance and accident.  相似文献   

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We present and consider five alternative scenarios of development — past, present and future — for Southeast Asia. Longitudinal data on foreign direct investment, trade, and currency valuation provide our basis for understanding the relations among the countries in this region as well as their relations with major external powers, especially the United States, Japan, and China. Our analysis suggests regional diversity rather than uniformity, with considerable flux and heterogeneity in the external economic ties of the countries resident in this area. Moreover, we argue that it would be overly simplistic to view changes in these ties only in bilateral terms of US or Japanese gains or losses. Instead, the Southeast Asian themselves, the other newly‐industrializing countries, and the constituent parts of Greater China are all increasingly making their presence felt.  相似文献   

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