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The European Union has developed a significant range of democracy promotion initiatives in Latin America since the 1990s. The E.U.'s approach to democracy building has been seen to possess a number of strengths relative to U.S. policy, especially in connection with grassroots developmental imperatives. European policy itself, however, has a number of limitations. It has inadequately conceptualized the linkages between economic and political dimensions; it has insufficiently recognized the potential benefits of balancing bottom-up and top-down approaches. The E.U.'s influence over Latin American governments has remained more nebulous than that of the United States. European and U.S. policies in Latin America have both rivaled and complemented each other. Understanding this might inform both actors' democracy promotion efforts in the region.  相似文献   

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This article discusses the notion of consociationalism as applied to the EU and assesses whether the institutional and procedural changes introduced by the Treaty of Lisbon (ToL) and by the management of the Euro and refugee crises still warrant considering the EU as a case of consociational democracy. Our contention is that the changes introduced by the ToL bore the promise to strengthen the consociational structural traits of the Union but that the further institutional and procedural changes engendered by the management of the Euro and refugee crises have made the behavioral dimension of consociationalism all the more necessary just as the accommodating orientation of the political elites had begun to evaporate. We support this argument by looking at empirical evidence which allows us to offer a set of propositions on the effects of the recent crises on the attitudes of the European elites towards the future of EU democracy.  相似文献   

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郑先武 《欧洲研究》2008,26(4):27-44
区域间主义已成为国际关系中一种新的现象,而欧盟在其中扮演着关键的领跑者角色。欧盟区域间主义以综合性、多元性、契约性、条件性等核心特征,形成一种独特的欧盟模式。它不仅通过规范扩散、认同强化、利益共享和制度建设给欧盟自身发展带来了重要区域效用,而且通过对基于区域一体化的新型南北关系的探索和对世界多极化趋势及多区域主义全球新秩序建设进程的推动,对全球政治经济产生了积极的影响。  相似文献   

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《后苏联事务》2013,29(1):64-92
Georgia's association with the EU has become closer in recent years through foreign policy instruments including the European Neighborhood Policy, the Eastern Partnership, and the Black Sea Synergy. Against the background of this increasing formal cooperation, public opinion toward the European Union in Georgia is examined on the basis of a nationally representative survey conducted in 2009. Regression modeling is used to relate attitudes toward the EU to explanatory factors including support for continued European integration, expectations of benefits from Europeanization, political beliefs, perceptions of national security and territorial integrity, and attitudes toward Russia.  相似文献   

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European Union member states have different nationality laws. Those with overseas dependencies control access there to European Parliament (EU) voting rights. Gibraltar and French Polynesia are two dependencies in which the existing situation is contested. Gibraltar's British citizens live on EU territory and therefore resent their exclusion from European elections. French Polynesia on the other hand is outside the European Union. Its citizens regard voting for the EP as at best irrelevant; its leaders wish to create a category of French overseas citizenship exclusive of European voting rights. This article compares the two situations and suggests some possible solutions.  相似文献   

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After World War II when the governments of several European states attempted to form supranational groupings, colonial obligations posed problems that persist to this day. The article traces immediate postwar history, outlining the present relationship between the EC institutions and what remain of member-state Empires, before proceeding to two case studies. The first concerns the ramifications of 'Euroland' in present or past dependencies after European Monetary Union. The second considers the role of European dependencies in military alliances and analyses how one of the founding Treaties was used in the mid-1990s after the discovery that it applied extra-territorially. The conclusion is that the external border of multi-speed Europe is even more variable than it might otherwise be because of the attachments some member states retain to colonial remnants.  相似文献   

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2000年至2008年期间,欧洲联盟付出了巨大努力以正式推进宪政化进程。基于欧洲一体化进程长期以来形成的传统,成员国在谈判《尼斯条约》的政府间会议的最后阶段首次提出了制宪这一议题,从而开启了所谓的莱肯进程:就欧洲的未来展开正式而公开的辩论、设立制宪大会,以及谈判起草一部《欧洲宪法条约》。然而,《欧洲宪法条约》遭遇否决使得整个改革计划受到质疑。经过一段时间的反思和重新谈判,各国政府就一部新条约达成了一致。该条约在很大程度上保留了原宪法条约的实质内容,但不再使用一些象征性用语。这次条约修改的成果《里斯本条约》自2009年12月1日生效。本文详尽列举了2000至2008年期间条约改革进程中的曲折起伏,提出应将欧盟的宪政化视为一个长期而渐进的过程。即使今后一段时间内不会重提通过一部欧盟宪法的正式计划,这一过程仍将继续。  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT

Fifteen years have passed since the European Union launched the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP). Despite the EU’s attempts to reload the ENP, first in 2011 and later in 2015, in response to challenges in the neighbourhood, the ENP continues to suffer from a credibility-expectations gap. This article argues that understanding neighbour perceptions of the ENP offers useful insights about the ENP. Supported by twenty-five interviews with Georgian and Ukrainian public officials, the article unveils the EU’s credibility challenge in the Eastern neighbourhood caused by a gap between the EU’s own perception of its role and the role expectations held by the ENP partners, as well as a gap between partners’ expectations and the EU’s performance on the ground. The lack of coherence, legitimacy and consistency has undermined the credibility of the ENP in the eyes of its Eastern partners. The latest review of the ENP does not seem to address the credibility challenge.  相似文献   

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