Environmental policy integration and the architecture of global environmental governance

This article discusses environmental policy integration—a concept so far mainly applied to domestic and European politics—at the global level. The article distinguishes between integration of institutions, of organizations, and of their bureaucracies, and it addresses both internal integration (within the environmental policy domain) and external integration (between environmental policies and non-environmental policies). The overall focus is on one set of policy reform proposals that have been salient in the global environmental governance debate for the last decades: the question of whether the creation of a world environment organization would improve the effectiveness, legitimacy, and efficiency of global environmental governance. We revisit this debate and explore the options for organizational change, including clustering, upgrading, streamlining, and hierarchical steering, with a focus on whether the reform proposals can bring about environmental policy integration. We conclude that in the longer term, upgrading of the UN Environment Programme to a UN specialized agency, with additional and increasing streamlining of other institutions and bureaucracies, offers the most potential for environmental policy integration and does not appear to be unrealistic.     

The Implied Duty of Mutual Trust and Confidence: An Emerging Overarching Principle?

There is an argument in academic circles that the implied dutyof mutual trust and confidence will evolve to form an all-embracingsuper-principle under which each of the more ‘traditional’implied duties will rest, including the employer’s impliedduty to exercise reasonable care for the welfare and well beingof the employee. The theme of this article is that, on balance,there is no evidence for the emergence of the implied duty ofmutual trust and confidence as a super-principle. If anything,the recent trends in the case law emphasise the distinctivenessof the employer’s duties to exercise reasonable care andtrust and confidence. The article’s aim was to demonstratethat both duties are separate, free-standing duties, sittingon an equal plane in terms of importance. To rationalise one,or all of the implied duties (i.e. the duty to exercise reasonablecare and/or all of the other ‘traditional duties’),as one of the means by which the super-principle of trust andconfidence is, or may be expressed, is to a large extent, aspirational.     

Reconstructing Embedded Liberalism: John Gerard Ruggie and Constructivist Approaches to the Study of the International Trade Regime

In 1982, John Gerard Ruggie published a study of the postwarinternational trade and monetary regimes in which he introducedthe concept of ‘embedded liberalism’. A large andgrowing number of international trade scholars are finding Ruggie’sconcept of embedded liberalism an appealing one, and it nowoccupies a significant place on our conceptual horizon. In thisarticle, the author returns to Ruggie’s original articleto excavate lessons which are peculiarly relevant for currenttrade law scholarship. He argues that Ruggie’s accountof embedded liberalism usefully serves to destabilize commonassumptions about the objectives and normative underpinningsof the trade regime and thereby to expand our conceptions ofwhat a liberal trade regime might plausibly look like. On theother hand, he explains why he does not share the enthusiasmof those who see in embedded liberalism an attractive normativevision to guide WTO reform. In addition, and most importantly,the author draws attention to the constructivist theoreticalframework of Ruggie’s piece. He suggests that Ruggie’sarticle provides a useful introduction to the central elementsof constructivist thinking about international institutionsand shows how attention to constructivist insights has the potentialto significantly enrich and expand our understanding of thetrade regime and of trade law.     

From Benchmarking to Final Status? Kosovo and The Problem of an International Administration's Open-Ended Mandate

This contribution examines certain inherent shortcomings ofan ‘open-ended’ institution-building operation forwhich the future status of the entity in statu nascendi remainsundecided. It first addresses the policy of conditionality throughwhich Kosovo’s international administration attempts tomeasure the performance of local institutions against imported‘standards’. The external representation functionof an international administration acting on behalf of a non-stateterritorial entity, as an agent of necessity, is then analysed,considering recent and little-known developments and suggestingthat UNMIK’s practice supports the argument that ‘internationalized’territories possess limited legal personality. Turning ‘inward’to a sphere of domestic governance, the contribution highlightssome of the problems encountered with regard to the privatizationof public assets in Kosovo. Here, it argues that UNMIK is awkwardlycaught between the pursuit of both the interests of the territoryunder its administration and the collective interest of theorganized international community – two sets of interestswhich can collide head-on. The article concludes by suggestingthat an international territorial agent should not, as a rule,attempt to mediate a solution, but endeavour to represent theterritory in good faith.

‘You gave us freedom, but not a future’.¹

     

Rhetoric or Reality? ‘New Governance’ in EU Environmental Policy

Abstract:  When scrutinising the literature on EU environmental policy, it becomes apparent that there has been a comprehensive transition in underlying governance ideas during the last two decades. At the core of these changes is the abolition of traditional patterns of interventionist command-and-control regulation in favour of economic instruments and 'context-oriented' governance. In view of these developments, this article has two objectives: first, it looks into which causes and factors initiated these discussions; second, it analyses the effects these reform ideas had on actual patterns of governance. As will be shown, changes in governance ideas are only partially expressed in changes in policy instruments.     

The Challenge of Antisocial Behaviour: New Relationships between the State, Children and Parents

Relationships between children, parents and the state do notremain the same over time and are not necessarily consistentat any one time across policy arenas. These relationships, though,can remain unexamined and individually negotiated until theyare highlighted by major policy change. Such a change has recentlyoccured in Scotland, where the Antisocial Behaviour etc. (Scotland)Act 2004 has extended Antisocial Behaviour Orders (ASBOs) tochildren and introduced Parenting Orders (POs), which can requireparents to attend counselling or guidance sessions. ASBOs shiftstate intervention from focusing on children’s welfareand needs to focusing on their behaviour. The welfare-basedchildren’s hearing system will no longer be the primarydecision-making forum as the court is the decision-maker forboth these new orders. POs emphasize parents’ responsibilityfor controlling their children. POs provide a direct route forparents to receive support, which they did not have before,but only through a compulsory order. Both children and theirparents will be held responsible to their communities’values, in new court-enforced mechanisms.     

Reforming the International Monetary Fund Why its Legitimacy is at Stake

The International Monetary Fund was designed to promote internationalmonetary cooperation and foreign exchange stability, so as tofacilitate international trade, high levels of employment andreal income, and the development of the productive resourcesof all its members. However, the Fund's capacity to influenceits key members’ policies through its advice, and to giveconfidence to potential borrowers by offering opportune andmeaningful financial assistance in case of trouble, has beenseriously put into question. Its governance structure is inconsistentwith its multilateral nature and is dysfunctional to its purposes.There is also an ideological bias in its policy advice thatprevents the Fund from being responsive to citizens' concernsand challenges posed by globalization. The ongoing reform processis tinkering on the margins and if not redressed will fail tobring additional credibility and effectiveness to the Fund.     

Polluting Environment, Polluting Constitution: Is a 'Polluted' Constitution Worse than a Polluted Environment?

The Indian Supreme Court has been praised as one of the mostsocially active courts in the world, especially so in the environmentalfield. Yet it is arguable that many of the benefits claimedfor judicial involvement are far from real. Three phases ofacti­vism are identified. In the 1970s, the Court developedthe concept of environmental rights based on ensuring that thedirective principles of state policy and the funda­mentalright to life contained the Constitution worked in mutual support.This was followed by a period when the Court extended liabilityprinciples. The most recent and most controversial phase hasinvolved the Court increasingly acting in an exec­utivefunction and effectively both making and implementing policies.The Court’s enthusiasm in environmental matters has nowdented India’s institutional balance. By being preparedto judicialise all problems of life into problems of law, theCourt has undermined the strength of citizens to engage collectivelywith institutions of the State—the Court should now withdrawfrom its self-imposed alchemist role.     

Policy Coherence, Global Environmental Governance, and Poverty Reduction

This paper explores linkages between policy coherence, global environmental governance, and poverty reduction. It begins with a few thoughts on what these terms mean, and how they are linked. It then provides some perspectives on how the linkages might be improved over time. The paper takes the view that the most coherent institutional framework for both poverty reduction and environmental protection is likely to be one that is relatively decentralised, and based on a modular (networking) structure. The implication is that this framework should rely mainly on domestic and regional governance institutions, rather than on global ones. Effective management of environmental problems (both national and international) also implies a judicious mix of strong government institutions, smooth-functioning markets, and well-targeted infrastructure investments. The business and labour communities are therefore crucial. Other elements of civil society, notably the NGOs, also have important roles to play. Global environmental governance will have to overcome significant resistance insofar as the interests of the developing countries are concerned. Developing countries will need to be convinced that it is in their best interest to participate in global environmental institutions. The best way of making this case is to link (local) poverty reduction objectives explicitly to (both local and global) environmental protection goals. Bringing greater coherence to international trade, investment, and development co-operation policies could make an important contribution to strengthening these linkages. Investment is particularly important here – in the future, investment governance will likely prove to be more important for poverty reduction than environmental governance. Focusing on global environmental governance will not be enough.     

Law's Legitimacy and 'Democracy-Plus'

Is it the case that the law, in order to be fully legitimate,must not only be adopted in a procedurally correct way but mustalso comply with certain substantive values? In the first partof the article I prepare the ground for the discussion of legitimacyof democratic laws by considering the relationship between law’slegitimacy, its justification and the obligation to obey thelaw. If legitimacy of law is seen as based on the law beingjustified (as in Raz’s ‘service conception’),our duty to obey it does not follow automatically: it must bebased on some additional arguments. Raz’s conception oflegitimate authority does not presuppose, as many critics claim,any unduly deferential attitude towards authorities. Disconnectionof the law’s legitimacy from the absolute duty to obeyit leads to the second part of the article which consists ina critical scrutiny of the claim that the democratically adoptedlaw is legitimate only insofar as it expresses the right moralvalues. This claim is shown to be, under one interpretation(‘motivational’), nearly meaningless or, under anotherinterpretation (‘constitutional’), too strong tosurvive the pressure from moral pluralism. While we cannot hopefor a design of ‘pure procedural democracy’ (byanalogy to Rawlsian ‘pure procedural justice’),democratic procedures express the values which animate the adoptionof a democratic system in the first place.     

The European Union in global environmental governance: Leadership in the making?

For well over a decade, the European Union (EU) has proclaimed its leadership role in global environmental governance (GEG). In this article, we examine both the nature of its leadership and the underlying conditions for ‘actorness’ upon which leadership must depend. The EU’s record in the global conferences as well as its influence on the reform of the Commission on Sustainable Development (CSD) and the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) are also investigated. We argue that the EU has frequently sought to shape international environmental negotiations and promote sustainable development as an organising principle of global governance. Despite its inadequate status at the UN and internal problems, it has had a significant effect on the global agenda. However, due to persistent diplomatic opposition from other coalitions, its real, directly visible influence has been more modest. For genuine directional leadership, which goes beyond the defence of self-interest, the Union will have to make internal policy coherence a greater priority. Moreover, apart from relying solely on its weighty presence in the international system or its potential capabilities, the EU needs to achieve a high level of credibility in order to enhance its powers of persuasion.

An agenda for post-troubles policing in Northern Ireland — The South African precedent

Conclusion These proposals represent part of a much larger agenda for policing reform. Critically, it is now time in Northern Ireland, as it was in South Africa, for all sides to start “thinking the unthinkable” if the peace process is to gain momentum. In that process of creating an agenda, opinions will be sought from many quarters. South Africa, in certain limited ways, provides a model of how irreconcilable views about the nature of policing a divided society, can be given serious considerations, of a more peaceful society is to be created. But there is one other crucial lesson from South Africa. Police reform cannot be imposed from above, or according to the dictates of outside experts. It must be based on serious, continuing consultation between all parties — local communities, political parties, the central state, and the police service itself. The South African example demonstrates that existing hostile interests do not have to learn to love one another in making progress in police reform. There is a common interest which surmounts political opposition — local people need the security which an effective, non-partisan police service can provide. minuscule levels.     

Family Values in the Classroom? Reconciling Parental Wishes and Children's Rights in State Schools

This article examines the extent to which the law should permitdivergence in various aspects of state education by allowingschools to accede to a parent’s request for differenttreatment for his or her child. With a view to this the articleexplores some of the areas where contention is likely to occur;describes the current legal frameworks for responding to theserequests; and articulates the competing rights and interestsat stake when a parent makes a request for his or her childto be exempt from part of the education on offer at a publiclyfunded school. It emerges that the current legal responses arenot only inconsistent but are also in many instances incompatiblewith the United Kingdom’s international human rights obligations.The article concludes by suggesting a new model for the resolutionof these disputes which provides a mechanism for balancing parents’wishes with children’s rights and the broader public interestsat stake.     

U.S. policy in the UN environmental arena: powerful laggard or constructive leader?

As the world’s one remaining superpower, the United States stands forth as a hegemon in international politics. Within the traditional realist perspective, this means that the U.S. is decisive for the ambition and scope of international cooperation. However, research has shown that there is limited empirical support for this assumption when it comes to environmental cooperation. After a brief look at the U.S. general attitude and perception of the UN, this paper will then review general trends in U.S. foreign environmental policy within the United Nations context, including several key domestic factors that have influenced the U.S. in this area. I will then look more specifically at three UN institutions that are responsible for different aspects of environmental governance: United Nations global conferences (Stockholm in 1972, Rio de Janeiro in 1992 and Johannesburg in 2002), the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) and the Commission on Sustainable Development (CSD). The main focus will be how U.S. policies and influence in these arenas, and their relationship to UN reform, have evolved over time. Finally, the paper will attempt to analyze the American policies and answer the question posed in the title: is the U.S. a powerful laggard or a constructive leader?     

WTO Dispute Settlement and the Missing Developing Country Cases: Engaging the Private Sector

The poorest WTO member countries almost universally fail toengage as either complainants or interested third parties informal dispute settlement activity related to their market accessinterests. This paper focuses on costs of the WTO’s extendedlitigation process as an explanation for the potential but ‘missing’developing country engagement. We provide a positive examinationof the current system, and we catalogue and analyze a set ofproposals encouraging the private sector to provide DSU-specificlegal assistance to poor countries. We investigate the roleof legal service centres, non-governmental organizations, developmentorganizations, international trade litigators, economists, consumerorganizations, and law schools to provide poor countries withthe services needed at critical stages of the WTO’s extendedlitigation process. In the absence of systemic rules reform,the public-private partnership model imposes a substantial cooperationburden on such groups as they organize export interests, estimatethe size of improved market access payoffs, prioritize acrosspotential cases, engage domestic governments, prepare legalbriefs, assist in evidentiary discovery, and pursue the publicrelations effort required to induce foreign political compliance.     

The Role of UNEP and UNDP in Multilateral Environmental Agreements

This study examines the role of the UN’s programmes for environment and development (UNEP and UNDP) in the genesis and implementation of multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs). This is set in the wider context of the changing dominant focus of the international agenda, from ‘environment’ at the Stockholm Conference in 1972, to ‘environment and development’ at Rio in 1992, and ‚sustainable development’ in Johannesburg in 2002. UNDP is a development organisation strongly rooted in its country office network. Its role is becoming increasingly normative however, particularly since 2002 when UNDP opted to root most of its activities on the Millennium Development Goals. UNEP, as an environmental organisation has been successful at catalysing MEAs at the global and regional level; but without a significant increase in its budget over 30 years, its capacity has been spread very thinly. Many of the institutional arrangements for MEAs have effectively become independent of UNEP resulting in a very loosely and sometimes poorly coordinated network. Two case studies are used to illustrate the current institutional arrangements: UNEP’s Regional Seas Conventions and Protocols, and the Convention for Biological Diversity. These illustrate the fragmentation of current institutions, the need for strengthened technical and scientific support, the importance of addressing problems at their root causes and the need to increase the devolution of global governance to the regional level. Satisfying the identified needs requires actions within the remit of both UNEP and UNDP. It is argued that current institutional arrangements have not kept pace with the requirements of evolving policy. As part of a reform process, one option may be to merge the two programmes into a single structure that conserves and strengthens vital technical functions but enables a balanced and integrated approach to sustainable development.     

Corporate governance of Chinese state-controlled listed companies: Evidence from the exit of Chinese domestic venture capital

The existing literature on the corporate governance of Chinese state-controlled listed companies (SCLCs) focuses more on agency costs. There is inadequate attention being paid to its adaptive efficiency through the standard of venture capital (VC). This paper tries to fill this gap on the basis of the evidence from the exit of Chinese domestic VCs. The existing research has proved that the availability of stock market as an exit is essential for the vitality of a country’s VC industry. Unfortunately, with the institutional barriers imposed by the control-based model of the SCLCs, the exit ways of Chinese domestic VCs via stock market are still uneven. The implication from this study is that adaptive efficiency and agency costs are equally important factors which ought to be considered when any reform proposals for the corporate governance of the SCLCs are put forward. While either of the two factors is neglected in this process, the overall efficiency is to be jeopardized.     

THE LAWS,POLICIES, AND POLITICS OF REGULATING LEAD POLLUTION IN CHINA

This article examines the politics, laws and policies related to regulating lead pollution from lead-acid battery related manufacturing facilities in China. Particularly, this paper examines how China＇s Ministry of Environmental Protection （MEP） was able to force the temporary closure of nearly 90 percent of lead-battery manufacturing facilities within a period of months in 2011, after years of enforcement failures. The authors analyze the extent to which the Government＇s response to address lead pollution was based on laws and policies that can be systematically and consistently deployed by MEP as needed, or whether such measures are reliant on political will from outside MEP. Additionally, the authors are concerned with the extent to which China ＇s governance response to lead pollution primarily addresses environmental and public health issues; or rather it primarily addresses political and economic development issues, and whether this difference is significant. The article makes suggestions for how China can improve its environmental enforcement, and in so doing, contributes to a growing field of scholarship that examines environmental governance issues in the context of developing countries.     

Intellectual property strategies for US security and privacy

Legal context. Some state legislatures are considering billswhich would require those applying for a driver’s licenceto provide one or more biometric identifiers. The US federalgovernment is tending towards eavesdropping on conversationsand investing in data mining efforts while on the other handanti "big-brother" technologies are also emerging to counterthis trend and protect privacy. The demand for technology toprotect privacy will no doubt increase as the demand for defenceand security spending increases. We also live in a world wherebioterrorist acts are a constant threat and therefore demandfor biological detection devices and nanotechnology is growingdaily. Key points. Current technology advances in biometrics, surveillance,biological detection and nanotechnology can be used both toprotect and to jeopardize the security and privacy of individuals.As such, the importance of intellectual property in these areascannot be underestimated. Practical significance. Companies are advised to ‘go onthe offensive’. All companies should aggressively protecttheir core technology in numerous facets such as patent protection,copyright, trade marks and trade secrets. In the high tech arenathis is especially important because the demand for securityand privacy necessitates the development of advanced applicationsand in turn the quality of protectable IP for the companiesthat develop the technology increases. Additionally, companiesshould also pursue an offensive strategy that includes analyzingemerging standards and competitor focus so that they can acquirea competitive advantage or secure cross-licensing of another’stechnology.