马克思农村生态思想对社会主义新农村建设的启示

马克思从生态问题的社会制度基础着手分析,说明资本主义制度导致了生态问题的恶化,并指出资本主义制度不可能从根本上解决农村生态问题,只有社会主义制度才能为生态良好的社会提供制度保障。发挥我国社会主义社会制度优势,努力在我国社会主义新农村建设乃至生态文明建设中做出更多有益的探索。     

‘Dead men walking?’ Party identification in Germany, 1977–2002

Scholars engaged in the discourse on ‘Parteienverdrossenheit’ claim that a breakdown of party attachments in West Germany occurred during the early 1990s. Employing data from a series of monthly polls that were conducted from 1977 to 2002, this paper demonstrates that the notion of such a rapid decline is wrong. Rather than being swept away by political crises, party identification declines slowly and fairly constantly over time, which is in line with theories of a secular dealignment. Furthermore, it can be shown that this dealignment is driven by a weakening of traditional social ties, while cognitive mobilization and change in the composition of the society have no effect on partisanship. The decline is most pronounced among the working class.     

Network Structures: Working Differently and Changing Expectations

There is a growing need for innovative methods of dealing with complex, social problems. New types of collaborative efforts have emerged as a result of the inability of more traditional bureaucratic hierarchical arrangements such as departmental programs to resolve these problems. Network structures are one such arrangement that is at the forefront of this movement. Although collaboration through network structures establishes an innovative response to dealing with social issues, there remains an expectation that outcomes and processes are based on traditional ways of working. It is necessary for practitioners and policy makers alike to begin to understand the realities of what can be expected from network structures in order to maximize the benefits of these unique mechanisms.     

Individualism,etatism, and the ACLU

Fred Siegel teaches at The Cooper Union in New York. Last year he served as Visiting Fellow at The Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton. He is working on a book about the decline of American imperialism and is editing a special issue of Dissenton social breakdown.     

Goodbye to All That

This article is the retirement reflections of an MP of thirty‐eight year's standing. The story is mainly one of the decline of the Commons, a decline in the number of ‘big beasts’ and in the calibre of members and the quality of debates to the level of five‐minute harangues and the custard pie‐throwing of Prime Minister's Question Time. The House has lost its functions of staging the national debate and checking the executive to the media but has gained a new role as a national audit of government's performance and policies through the select committee system. MPs are working harder. Fewer now have outside jobs. They are more focused on their constituencies and though they have fewer powers there, and nationally more and better staff, they also have less respect and less influence. Personally, the end of what has been a long‐fighting national retreat from social democracy has been a rear‐guard action against the emergence of a colder, harder, neoliberal world. Retirement means relegation to watching that from the sidelines, not ringside.     

Comment on John T. Metzger's “planned abandonment: The neighborhood life‐cycle theory and national urban policy”

Abstract

I take strong exception to the idea that theories of neighborhood change, in and of themselves, caused the decline of inner cities. Rather, the demographic, social, and economic forces that existed in the postwar years caused some inner‐city neighborhoods to decline. The replacement of working‐class and middle‐income households by households with much lower incomes, on average, was the single biggest cause of neighborhood decline. Metzger ignores this fact as an alternative explanation for why some neighborhoods declined. It is highly implausible that my theories and those of other urban experts had such a strong impact on the public policy, building, and finance communities. Because people were responding to real conditions, it is likely that the same events would have occurred even if my model of neighborhood change had never been developed.     

社会力量助推乡村振兴的内源性发展路径研究--基于“振兴村”试点的分析

乡村振兴背景下,如何实现城乡资源要素的合理流动,培养农民参与乡村振兴的主体性意识,实现农村的内源性发展是当前亟需解决的问题。文章以一个乡村振兴试点村为例,探讨了以退休干部牵头的社会组织,通过社会力量助推乡村内源性发展的策略和路径。研究表明:社会组织可以通过“融入-培育-助推”的行动逻辑来助推以农民为主体的乡村振兴,具体表现为:社会组织通过融入国家政策体系、地方行政体系和乡村社会体系,引入外源式资源培育农民公共事务参与意识和集体行动能力,助推村社实现产业和治理的组织化,推动农村内源性发展。这种发展路径与社会力量不同阶段的助推策略相呼应,且各阶段相互交错,是一个双向非线性的过程。在此过程中,社会力量促进了外来资源引入与内生动力培育的融合,实现了村庄的内源性发展。     

The bounds of smart decline: a foundational theory for planning shrinking cities

Economic decline has led to a new wave of population decline throughout the US, meaning more and more cities are shrinking. Growing interest in using smart decline principles to respond to shrinkage has been met with controversy in cities such as Detroit and Cleveland. This paper advances a foundational theory of smart decline that takes as its starting point discussions of ethics, equity, and social justice in the planning and political theory literature, but is well grounded in observations of successful smart decline practice.     

当代中国工人阶级结构变化研究述评

当代中国工人阶级在改革开放新时期经受了巨大冲击和震荡。关注他们的社会命运,追踪其历史流变轨迹,探讨其未来可能的走向,构成理论研究不可或缺的问题域和内容。本文以时间为线索,分三个历史阶段,对当代中国工人阶级结构变化的理论成果进行综述,在理清其基本脉络的基础上进行总结和反思,希望以此为契机,推动相关理论研究进一步走向深入。     

New Urbanism and Selection Bias in the Formation of Social Capital

Over the past several decades, there has been a decline in social capital in American communities. New urbanism has been proposed as a tool to reverse some of this decline. This study seeks to understand the potential benefits of new urbanism in terms of social capital. Differences in social capital between a new urbanist subdivision (NUS) and a standard suburban subdivision (SSS) are compared. The findings of this study suggest that residents of NUSs have more social capital than residents of SSSs. However, many of the differences between the two communities disappeared when a social bias control was added to the model.     

Why social partnership matters: Irish policies for work – life balance

Since 1987 the Republic of Ireland has experimented with new forms of policy consultation and formulation that have been credited with turning the country into the ‘Celtic Tiger’ economy of the 1990s. One of the most important of these new forms is a series of social partnership agreements that have become increasingly broad in scope over the past decade and a half. This article illustrates how the process of social partnership pact-making is able to assist in steering a new policy direction, and investigates what makes these social partnership agreements able to be reproduced over time, by focusing on the development of policies for reconciling family and working life in Ireland. This is an important and pressing issue for many post-industrial economies, and, without claiming too much for the partnership process since problems of reconciling family and working life are far from ‘solved’ in Ireland, social partnership has helped turn this from being a marginal to a key issue in Irish politics.     

当代中国政治学研究与发展的理论思考

中国政治学历经30年的发展，各方面都取得了长足的进步，它要进一步发展成为一门“显学”，政治学研究者就必须在马克思主义的指导下，努力提升政治学研究的科学性，就必须更加关注中国社会现实问题，加强基础理论研究，进一步推进国际化和本土化建设。     

Working-class authoritarianism: a re-examination of the Lipset thesis

Abstract. Almost thirty years ago Lipset published his well-known article 'Democracy and working-class authoritarianism'. His central thesis is that the working class more than other social classes, is predisposed to authoritarian and anti-democratic attitudes. Several authors have criticized this thesis, especially by questioning Lipset's concept of democracy. Our approach is somewhat different in that in our opinion Lipset's conceptualization and measurement of social class is inaccurate and inappropriate. Using an empirical class model elaborated by Eric Olin Wright, our findings do not show that the working class is more authoritarian than other social classes. Education and not social class seems to be the most important factor. It is concluded that the measurement of social class is crucial to whether the theory of working-class authoritarianism is empirically supported or not. Some theoretical consequences are briefly discussed.     

Social crisis and political decay: The contemporary American malaise

Abstract

By the 1990s American society had become more depoliticized than at any time in recent history, with the vast majority of the population increasingly alienated from the political system. This has occurred, ironically, at a time when deepening social problems—environmental degradation, homelessness, eroding public services, civic violence, threats to privacy—require extensive and creative political intervention. Further, it has taken place during a period of accelerated growth of higher education, informational resources, and communications. Most people seem to have lost hope for remedies to social problems within the existing public sphere. The political system has atrophied, with differences between the two major parties narrower than ever; citizenship is in drastic decline, as reflected in lower voter turnout, collapsing sense of political efficacy among ordinary citizens, and declining knowledge about the social and political world. This triumph of anti‐politics is not a matter of failed leaders, parties, or movements, nor of flawed structural arrangements, but mirrors a deeper historical process—one tied to increased corporate colonization and economic globalization—that shapes every facet of daily life and political culture. Depoliticization is the predictable mass response to a system that is designed to marginalize dissent, privatize social relations, and reduce the scope of democratic participation.     

The critique of language and its economy

Abstract

This paper draws upon and develops Paul Rabinow's concept of biosociality to analyse how the field of gambling research, the facts about gambling addiction and the politics of gambling regulation are in the process of transforming one another as the US gambling industry has begun to provide large amounts of funding for scientists and clinicians working on gambling problems. In particular, the paper focuses on the political economy of research that suggests that the negative consequences associated with gambling are not just social problems, but neurobiological ones. The paper introduces the notion of ‘biopolitical capital’ in order to describe how the gambling industry invests in particular kinds of research which are more likely to yield results that can be mobilized to support particular kinds of approaches to dealing with the social and personal problems associated with gambling.     

Welfare-Ideological Change in Scandinavia: A Comparative Analysis of Partisan Welfare State Positions in Four Nordic Countries, 1970–2003

During the 1990s, the Nordic welfare states, notably Finland and Sweden, faced serious challenges that triggered a number of welfare restructuring processes. This article focuses on the political determinants of these processes, or, more exactly, it analyses changes in partisan welfare policy positions in Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden between 1970 and 2003. The main goal of the article is to chart possible changes in party positions on social policy. Has there been a decline in pro‐welfare attitudes during the period 1970–2003, and if so, how are these changes related to ideological and institutional factors? The data analysed in the article consists of election programmes, and more specifically, textual utterances concerning the welfare state. The results indicate a relatively high degree of stability in partisan support for welfare state expansion and investments in social justice, while market‐type solutions to social problems, on the other hand, have become more salient among parties, especially in the Right. The findings suggest that parties still differ from each other as to welfare‐political positions, indicating that Social Democratic and left‐wing parties remain the foremost defenders of the ‘Nordic Welfare Model’, whereas the Right has become more hesitant towards welfare state expansion.     

The “Professionalized” Solution to the “College Bubble”

It has been argued that higher education is about to encounter a “bubble” comparable to the one the housing market did. Critics charge either that current college resources cannot meet the potential demand or that the demand is likely to decline such as to produce excess supply. Among the problems cited are spiraling high costs, shrinking enrollments, low graduation rates, declines in humanities majors, extended periods of matriculation, inferior quality, and a lack of social justice. By the same token, there is a lack of agreement about how colleges should be reformed. Some commentators insist that higher education must be more efficient. Meanwhile others focus on academic relevance. For still others the crucial goal is fairness, which generally comes down to social mobility, affordability, and affirmative action. The question then becomes: How are we to decide what should be done, which, in turn, depends on how we conceptualize the mission of higher education.     

网络治理理论视角下我国社会泄愤类极端事件的治理对策--以公交车纵火案为例

随着社会转型的深化,社会泄愤类极端事件在我国不断发生。社会泄愤类极端事件的产生既有制度不完善、机制不健全、法治弱化、道德下滑等规则缺陷的原因,也有涉案者在心理方面的个人原因。社会泄愤类极端事件的发生造成严重社会危害,必须高度重视。为了更好地治理这类社会问题,政府、企业和社会等多元主体要协同建立治理网络,重建良好的信任基础和沟通协调机制,重建民主、法治、道德等规则,更好地维护社会公平正义,降低社会伤害事件的频次及危害。     

“超行政治理”:党建引领的基层治理逻辑与工作路径

当前,行政化治理导致基层社会陷入“行政有效,治理无效”的治理危机,表现为治理碎片化、治理封闭化和治理等级化。需要打破行政科层组织的结构性壁垒,破解行政化治理造成的基层治理困境。执政党通过发挥政党的组织和政治优势,依托政党的政治整合功能和社会整合功能,促进治理与服务的有效融合,在基层治理场域形成了一种强调政党引领的“超行政治理”模式。与政府主导的行政化治理相比较,政党引领下的“超行政治理”以基础性权力为基础,依托政党权威,实现治理效能提升。具体而言,“超行政治理”通过三种治理机制展开运作。第一,运用党建的空间塑造功能推动组织整合,建构基层共治平台;第二,依靠政治引领功能促进价值整合,实现话语转换;第三,通过社会动员功能助推社会建构,再造社区团结。“超行政治理”以其政治整合和社会建构的工作逻辑,在基层治理场域推动了治理主体的跨组织协同、治理价值的共识维护以及治理权威的社会化建构。