The role of `the resources of the power hypothesis' in explaining the Spanish welfare state between 1975–1995

Abstract There are two clearly differentiated parts to this work. The first consists of a review of the theoretical arguments that underlie the so–called 'resources of power hypothesis' . That theory has been used to explain the growth and development of the Welfare State in several European countries. The findings of a number of empirical works backing up that theory have also been included in this review. The intention of the second part is to check the theory against the Spanish case between 1975 and 1995. The conclusion of this work is that if, besides considering the ideological persuasion of the party controlling the government, we take into account the other relevant factors encompassed by the theory, then the 'resources of power hypothesis' is valid in explaining and interpreting the make–up and scope of the Spanish Welfare State.     

Managing the Welfare State: Lessons from Gustav Möller*

The administrative problems of the present Welfare State have come into focus in recent research. The basic question being raised is whether an elected government can control the bureaucracies that handle the social programmes, i.e., whether the intentions of the parliamentary majority really can be translated into action when they reach the point of administrative implementation. The central subject of this study is the legendary architect of the Swedish Welfare State, Gustav Möller, who was Minister of Social Affairs 1924-26 and 1932-51. It is argued that many of the problems highlighted in present theories of public administration were already apparent to Möller. As the minister responsible for the administrative construction of the Swedish Welfare State, he developed several strategies to cope with the problems of bureaucracy. Having lost the battle over the Social Democratic party leadership in 1946, Gustav Möller left the government in 1951. Subsequently many of his original anti-bureaucratic administrative strategies were reversed.     

Federalization and Ethnoterritorial Concurrence in Spain

The progressive federalization of the Spanish Estado de lasAutonomías (State of the Autonomies) is in accordancewith a model of multiple ethnoterritorial concurrence. The processof territorial accommodation in Spain relates substate ethnicmobilization with the competitive interplay among Spanish regionsand nationalities in pursuit of political and economic power.The regions and nationalities also strive for the achievementof legitimation for their institutional development. This articlereviews developments and features that have set this type ofplural competition and solidarity into play in Spain.     

Realities and mythologies of rape

He is author of Capitalism and the Welfare State; Clients and Constituents;and co-author of The Enabling State: Modern Welfare Capitalism in America;and Protecting Young Children from Sexual Abuse: Does Preschool Training Work?     

Where Did the Bureaucrats Go? Role and Influence of the Public Bureaucracy in the Swedish and French Pension Reform Debate

This article has two key objectives. First, despite having been considered as a key element to favor the expansion and elaboration of the welfare state in industrial countries, bureaucrats have been largely ignored by the "New" Politics of the Welfare State. This article demonstrates that bureaucrats still matter in times of retrenchment, because they can facilitate or obstruct various phases of the policy process. The degree of independence of the bureaucracy vis-à-vis the government, the government's level of dependency and trust on public expertise, the locus of ministerial power, and political deadlocks contribute to either accentuate or decrease the influence of the bureaucracy in the retrenchment of social policies. Second, these elements are analyzed via a comparison of the pension reform processes in France and Sweden. This article argues that the French bureaucracy, despite its high degree of centralization and powers, has been far less successful than its Swedish counterpart. The Swedish institutional structure, the predominance of social ministries in pension affairs, and the trust given to an independent agency account for this puzzling outcome.     

Asymmetric federalism and economic voting

Although federal arrangements adopt a multiplicity of forms across and within federations, this article suggests that some models of power division are better than others at enhancing clarity of responsibility and electoral accountability. This conclusion is the result of exploring responsibility attribution and economic voting in a state where decentralisation arrangements vary across regions: the Spanish State of Autonomies. Using electoral surveys and aggregated economic data for the 1982–2012 period, the empirical analysis shows that regional economic voting is most pronounced in regions where decentralisation design concentrated authority and resources at one level of government, whereas it is inexistent in regions where devolution followed a more intertwined model of power distribution. The implication of the empirical findings is that the specific design of intergovernmental arrangements is crucial to make electoral accountability work in federations.     

Gender equality and social security

He is author of Capitalism and the Welfare State; Clients and Constituents;and co-author (with Barbara Gilbert) of The Enabling State: Modern Welfare Capitalism in America;and (with Joel Duerr Berrick) With the Best of Intentions: The Child Sexual Abuse Prevention Movement.     

God, Mammon and the Rise of Nationalism

Books reviewed in this article:
David A. Bell, The Cult of the Nation in France: Inventing Nationalism, 1680–1800
Liah Greenfeld, The Spirit of Capitalism: Nationalism and Economic Growth
Gilles Kepel, Jihad: The Trail of Political Islam
Tariq Ali, The Clash of Fundamentalisms: Crusades, Jihads and Modernity
Maurizio Ferrera and Martin Rhodes (eds.), Recasting European Welfare States
Evelyn Huber and John Stephens, Development and Crisis of the Welfare State: Parties and Policies in Global Markets
Paul Pierson (ed.), The New Politics of the Welfare State
Duane Swank, Global Capital, Political Institutions, and Policy Change in Developed Welfare States
John Ramsden (ed.), The Oxford Companion to Twentieth Century British Politics
Nicholas J. Wheeler, Saving Strangers: Humanitarian Intervention in International Society
Giles Radice, Friends and Rivals: Crosland, Jenkins and Healey
Michael McManus, Jo Grimond: Towards the Sound of Gunfire     

Book Reviews

European Welfare Futures: Towards a Theory of Retrenchment, by Guiliano Bonoli, Vic George and Peter Taylor‐Gooby The New Politics of the Welfare State, edited by Paul Pierson The Divided Welfare State: The Battle over Public and Private Social Benefits in the United States, by Jacob S. Hacker The Information Society and the Welfare State: The Finnish Model, by Manuel Castells and Pekka Himanen Market‐Driven Politics: Neoliberal Democracy and the Public Interest, by Colin Leys The Breaking of Nations: Order and Chaos in the Twenty‐First Century, by Robert Cooper Intellectuals and the American Presidency: Philosophers, Jesters or Technicians? By Tevi Troy Nehru: A Political Life, by Judith M. Brown The Labour Market under New Labour: The State of Working Britain 2003, edited by Richard Dickens, Paul Gregg and Jonathan Wadsworth European Integration, 1950–2003: Superstate or New Market Economy? by John Gillingham Dude, Where's My Country? by Michael Moore     

Book Reviews

Books review: Daniel Cohen, The Wealth of the World and the Poverty of Nations Peter J. Taylor, The Way the Modern World Works: World Hegemony to World Impasse Anton Zijderveld, The Waning of the Welfare State: The End of Comprehensive State Succor Bill Jordan, The New Politics of Welfare: Social Justice in a Global Context Leonard E. Burman, The Labyrinth of Capital Gains Tax Policy TheConstitution of Iran, Asghar Schirazi. James C. Scott, Seeing Like a State Wolfgang Reinicke, Global Public Policy: Governing without Government? Peter Trubowitz, Emily O. Goldman, and Edward Rhodes, eds. The Politics of Strategic Adjustment: Ideas, Institutions, and Interests Frederick W. Mayer, Interpreting NAFTA: The Science and Art of Political Analysis J. Nicholas Ziegler, Governing Ideas: Strategies for Innovation in France and Germany Pietro S. Nivola, Laws of the Landscape: How Policies Shape Cities in Europe and America     

Who is responsible for what? Clarity of responsibilities in multilevel states: The case of Spain

There is a theoretical disagreement between the classical normative positive view on decentralisation, which states that the fragmentation of power shifts policy more closely into line with citizens' preferences, and a more recent critical view that states that decentralisation blurs attribution of responsibility. This disagreement can only be resolved by refining the understanding of specific institutional designs. The theoretical claim in this article is that the relation between multilevel governance and clarity of responsibilities is contingent upon the type of decentralisation in place. To test this proposition, individual data from an asymmetrically decentralised system – the Spanish State of Autonomies – are used. Results show that the relationship between decentralisation and clarity of responsibility has a u‐shape. Responsibility attribution is clearer in regions with high and low levels of decentralisation, where one level of government clearly predominates over the other, than in regions with a more intertwined distribution of powers.     

合肥市出租车市场管制效应及其成因解析——基于转轨国家政府俘获理论的一个解释途径

出租车市场采用何种模式与政府的管制政策关系密切.不同的管制政策产生不同的经营模式,而不同的经营模式带来的后果迥异.其中,因为采用"北京模式"的城市经常发生群体性事件而备受争议,对因管制政策而引起的诸多矛盾和问题学者们更多从利益集团理论进行解释.但作者并不完全认同这种解释.以合肥市出租车市场作为"北京模式"的代表进行分析,通过运用对司机成本和收入的调查所得出的数据以及运用福利经济学理论分析了三大管制政策带来的效应,尤其是进入资格限制和强制挂靠这一管制政策所导致的司机利益向出租车公司的强制转移,然后以转轨国家的政府俘获理论为研究基础,从制度环境、管制政策的不合法和不合理性、出租车公司管理职能的虚置、出租车公司和政府部门之间存在利益链条等方面来论证得出合肥市出租车市场存在政府俘获问题,进而推出采用"北京模式"的其它城市的出租车市场也可能存在政府俘获问题.     

BOOK REVIEWS

A Future For All . By Malcolm Wicks . In Defence of the Welfare State . Edited by Paul Wilding . Nationalizing Social Security in Europe and America . Edited by Douglas E. Ashford and E. W. Kelley . The Welfare State East and West . Edited by Richard Rose and Rei Shiratori . Income Packaging in the Welfare State . By Lee Rainwater , Martin Rein and Joseph Schwartz . Welfare in Transition . Edited by Robert Erikson and Rune Aberg . The Possibility of Politics . By Stein Ringen . Freedom , Equality and the Market . By Barry Hindess . Protecting the Vulnerable . By Robert E. Goodin . Does Aid Work ? Report to an Intergovernmental Task Force . By Robert Cassen and Associates . Foreign Aid Reconsidered . By Roger C. Riddell . State , Finance and Industry . By A. Cox . Governing the Economy . By Peter A. Hall . The State and the Market Economy . By J. E. S. Hayward . Political Control of the Macro Economy . By Paul Whiteley . Political Theories of Modern Government . By Peter Self . A Lament for the Law Commission . By R. T. Oerton . Corporatism and Political Theory . By Alan Cawson . Varieties of Corporatism : Theory and Practice . By Peter J. Williamson . The White House and Capital Hill : The Politics of Presidential Persuasion . By Nigel Bowles . Karl Kautsky . By Dick Geary . J. Ramsay Mac Donald . By Austen Morgan . James Maxton . By William Knox . Labour People : Leaders and Lieutenants , Hardie to Kinnock . By Kenneth 0.Morgan . The Romantic Ethic and the Spirit of Modern Consumerism . By Colin Campbell . The Politics of the Police . By Robert Reiner . What is to be done about Law and Order ? By John Lea and Jock Young . The governance of the Police . By Laurence Lustgarten . The Policing of Industrial Disputes 1893–1984. By Roger Geary .     

洛克对政治权力内涵的分析

洛克在《政府论两篇》中分析了政治权力的内涵。他的学说对英美自由主义理论的发展产生了深远的影响。尽管如此,学界却一直忽视了洛克的政治权力理论,仅仅强调了他的权利理论。本文试图弥补这一缺陷。洛克分析政治权力的起点是享有财产权和自由的个体,这些个体构成了一个前政治的自由秩序。以此为基础,洛克通过社会契约解释了政治权力的生成逻辑,并在这一论证过程中赋予政治权力以特定的道德属性。他阐释政治权力内涵的另一个特点是他赋予了政治权力以一种特殊的存在形态,即"立法权力"。洛克阐述的这一政治权力有效地在理论上对抗了当时的父权理论和绝对主权理论,为他设计一个宪政国家奠定了基础。     

Book Reviews

Book reviewed in this article:
Jan Kooiman & Kjell A. Eliassen: Managing Public Organizations. Lessons from Contemporary European Experience.
Juhani Mylly & R. Michael Berry, eds.: Political Parties in Finland. Essays in History and Politics.
Helga Maria Hernes: Welfare State and Woman Power. Essays in State Feminism.
Agneta Bladh: Decentraliserad förualtning. Tre ämbetsuerk i nya roller .
Gunnel Gustafsson: Decentralisering av politisk makt. En studie av svensk byråkrati i kontakt med sin omvärld .     

Foucault and the Telos of Power

In this paper, I argue that the unique contributions of Foucault’s late work to critical social theory can be identified in the ways in which power relations are refined as the material condition of “politics” as distinguished from that of law, where “politics”: (a) includes both competitive and goal-oriented strategic actions and interactions, (b) excludes the coercive technologies of law embodied in State institutions, (c) presupposes “incomplete” reciprocity between actors engaged in directing others, (d) always entails modes of revealing truth and acting upon the self. By contextualising the break between pastoral power and direction in the 1979–1980 lectures, I show how for the late Foucault, power relations constitute the material condition of “politics” precisely because, unlike relations of control or coercion, their aims and objectives remain open to the possibility of building new relationships and potentially more “political” forms of social action. I conclude by situating this major distinction within Foucault’s unfulfilled project to study the “military dimension” of society, and the relevance and urgency of this project for contemporary struggles against new forms of militarism and austerity.     

The use of antisemitism in the Spanish Civil War

The Spanish Civil War saw an outburst of antisemitism in the Nationalist-controlled areas of the peninsula and in the Moroccan protectorate, an antisemitism influenced by the work of ultra-right-wing intellectuals associated with the Acción Española review. All the factions of the Nationalist camp interpreted the civil war as a crusade against the 'Jewish-Masonic-Bolshevist' conspiracy. In mainland Spain, where there were only a few Jewish families, antisemitism was largely confined to the written word. In this way, it was used mostly as a rhetorical tool to attack the Nationalists' real and imaginary enemies: the Republican forces, the French and the Soviets. Although there was no systemic persecution of the Jews, some aggressive acts took place in Seville and Barcelona. The situation of the larger Jewish community in Spanish Morocco was quite different. The Moroccan Jews were adversely affected by the Nationalists' efforts to enlist the support of the Muslim population against the Republicans and by the German presence in the protectorate. They were also victimized by the Falangists who confiscated their property and imposed heavy fines on them. The military authorities of Morocco tried to restrain these excesses as they realized that blatant antisemitism could hurt the rebels' image abroad. They also believed that Jewish wealth and connections could serve the Nationalist cause.     

Reciprocity schemes in unemployment regulation policies: Towards a pluralistic citizenship of Marginalisation?

Recent developments in unemployment regulation policies indicate that universal treatment of social welfare recipients is increasingly being replaced by selective programmes which are characterised by lower subsidies and the introduction of reciprocity in social welfare. Such programmes generally introduce the condition that people who benefit from social assistance perform some kind of work in return. These tendencies have important consequences on the organisation of our welfare society. We believe that the application of schemes based on selectivity and reciprocity to a significant portion of the population undermines the basic characteristics of the Welfare State, i.e. class stabilisation policies and the universal basis of treatment. This article will discuss these tendencies in the light of the workfare debate. It proposes to transform these measures into unconditional ones, sustained by universal basic income schemes.     

The family policy positions of conservative parties: A farewell to the male-breadwinner family model?

Since the Golden Age of the Welfare State ended, the male-breadwinner family model traditionally supported by conservative parties has been put under pressure. Familialism appears to be no longer attractive to a changing, more volatile constituency. By comparing four different European countries – namely, Denmark, Germany, Italy and the United Kingdom – this work investigates the evolution of the conservative parties’ family policy positions in the post-Fordist era (1990s–2010s). The article has two goals. First, relying on a multidimensional theoretical framework where both social consumption and social investment policy instruments are at stake, it probes whether conservatives have switched their positions by backing de-familialism and thus the dual-earner family model. Second, it explains policy position change or stability over time and cross-country differences through a multicausal analytical framework. The content analysis of party manifestos shows that, in the post-Fordist era, the conservative parties have supported ‘optional familialism’, thus upholding both familiarizing and de-familiarizing measures. However, such positions are not static. In the 1990s, support for familialism was higher while, since the 2000s, there has been a constant, increasing backing of de-familialism. While the shift is evident for all the parties, cross-country differences remain. The comparative historical analysis has pointed out that the specific ‘optional familialism’ positions taken by the conservative parties over time result from the interaction of constituency-oriented, institutional, contextual and political factors.     

澳大利亚惠特拉姆工党政府福利建设论析

福利政策一直是澳大利亚工党社会政策的支柱,并成为其执政时一面永不褪色的旗帜。1949年工党政府下台后,在野长达23年,社会福利在很大程度上也被忽视。工党领袖惠特拉姆在1972年上台后,进行了广泛干预和社会改良,基本上完成了澳大利亚全国性的保障框架的建设,也使许多弱势社会群体的生活状况得到改善。但工党政府福利建设的庞大及面临的一系列困难使其效果和作用大打折扣。