Explaining Styles of Financial Market Opening in Chile, Mexico, South Korea, and Turkey

This study examines financial opening in middle-income countries and identifies the variables that shape its basic features. We find that the widely noted increase in international capital mobility has not constrained financial policy-making equally across states. A country's economic conditions and need for external funds determine its government's bargaining power vis-à-vis international actors and domestic groups with respect to financial policy. Governments with low bargaining power, because domestic economic conditions are poor or need for external funds is high, must open financial markets completely to attract or retain capital. Conversely, governments with high bargaining power may be able to retain some controls on capital flows or deny foreign banks access to domestic markets and still have access to capital.
To explore these issues, this article looks at opening in Chile, Mexico, South Korea, and Turkey. These countries opened their financial systems in very different ways. Turkey and Mexico liberalized their markets almost completely, whereas Korea (1980–98) kept barriers to capital entry and Chile (1991–98) retained barriers to capital exit. Although economic conditions explain the basic style of financial opening, they cannot account for the residual barriers that persist in mostly open markets or the pace and timing of reforms. Domestic political factors, particularly, the interests of leaders and key social groups as well as their relative bargaining power, help to explain these variables. The paper develops a typology of styles of financial opening to encourage systematic thinking about the origins and consequences of differences in style.     

War,transparency and control: the military architecture of operational warfare

In contemporary research, transparency is commonly understood to indicate and guarantee openness, in ways that make it synonymous with positive characteristics of governing. However, the allegedly benevolent link between transparency and governing has also been questioned, giving rise to arguments that transparency enables violent social control. Drawing upon this latter view, the article stages an encounter between critical debates on transparency and critical accounts of war to examine the way that they come together in the operationalization of warfare. Engaging particularly with Jean Baudrillard’s writing on transparency, the article inquires into the way control is socially manufactured and administered through military doctrines. It concludes that the operationalization of warfare is not, as many tend to argue, first and foremost about a response to practical problems when conducting wars. Rather, it consists of the potential to unveil global space and global time as an attempt to maintain and control future political becoming.     

俄与朝韩经贸合作发展状况剖析

近年来,俄罗斯与朝鲜、韩国经贸合作关系发生了较大的变化,即俄朝双边经贸合作由20世纪90年代的急剧萎缩到现在又开始逐渐升温,同期俄韩经贸合作则由迅速扩大转为发展速度相对放缓,形成较大的反差.目前,俄罗斯又成为朝鲜继中国、韩国之后的第三大贸易伙伴和重点引进外资的对象国,而俄韩之间则变化不大,在对方的对外贸易中所占的位置一直在第十位之后. 今后,俄对朝韩的经贸关系均会有较快的发展,前景较为看好.     

Lessons from the Asian Economic Crisis: A View from South Korea

Ha and Kim present a new reading of the East Asian crisis, focusing particularly on South Korea's experience. They argue that previous studies have ignored the political environment that paved the way for such an event. Neoliberal economists, according to the authors, were so enamoured with the example of the 'Asian tigers' and the ideal of unregulated markets that they were blind to the many warnings of an ensuing disaster. Economic systems can thus no longer rest on such a free-market capitalist ideal where no one controls the global economy, but must instead have a secure political base. As the financial crisis has shown, such international anarchy must be checked by a new set of international institutions. While the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) organisation did attempt to handle the crisis, it, along with Japan and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), proved unable to do so. East Asia's leaders and theorists have been presented with the challenge of reforming this region's institutions and political orders in order to avoid another crisis, complete with all its social and political ramifications.     

Legislative powers,veto players,and the emergence of delegative democracy: A comparison of presidentialism in the Philippines and South Korea

This article integrates institutional and rational choice approaches to policy making to explain the emergence of delegative democracy in presidential systems. Delegative democracy, in essence, is a polyarchy which violates the rules and norms that secure the checks on the effective political power of democratically elected presidents at the horizontal level of the relations of the executive, legislature and judiciary. The article argues that delegative democracy is the result of the interaction of two variables: the strength and types of presidents' legislative powers and the configuration of institutional and partisan veto players. Strong, proactive legislative powers and weak veto players permit presidents to establish a delegative democracy; weak, reactive legislative powers and strong veto players hamper the emergence of delegative democracy. This general assumption explains why presidentialism in South Korea and in the Philippines developed in different directions in the 1980s and 1990s. The analysis shows that in case of moderate legislative powers of the president, the number, coherence and ideological distance of partisan veto players becomes particularly important. It suggests that studies of democratic regimes should give special emphasis to the rules regulating the distribution of legislative powers between presidents and parliaments and the configuration of veto players.     

Bargaining over local public good provision in nested social dilemmas: A comparative study of variation from South India

In rural India, decentralized government schemes and assembly constituency development programs represent major channels through which local public good provision is realized. This polycentric governance structure confronts local leaders with a distributional conflict, which is nested in a social dilemma situation. Based on a controlled case study approach, we investigate the provision of small-scale infrastructure in three South Indian communities. Apart from roads and drinking water facilities that directly appeal to the residents of a community, local leaders bargain over infrastructure contracts, which serve as patronage resources in interactions with politicians from higher government levels. A comparative game-theoretic analysis of the results suggests that coordination through political party identities has translated into alternative bargaining strategies and hence varying distributional outcomes regarding contracts and local public goods in the communities under review. The study concludes with recommendations for polycentric institutional design.     

Ethnic and Regional Politics after the Asian Economic Crisis: A Comparison of Malaysia and South Korea

This article explores the impact of the Asian economic crisis on the Malay-Chinese and Kyongsang-Cholla regional political cleavage structures in Malaysia and Korea respectively. The weakening of previously intractable cleavages and the rise of cross-cutting cleavages have the potential to contribute to democratic consolidation, by enhancing democratic uncertainty or 'organised uncertainty'. The analysis of post-crisis election results shows that Malaysia's traditional ethnic linkages between political elites and voters became more flexible after the crisis and created a strong cross-cutting dimension to the political cleavage structure. In contrast South Korea's regional cleavages remained fundamentally undisturbed and may even have been reinforced by the crisis, notwithstanding evidence of defections from regionally dominant parties.     

美英日韩四国文化发展战略简介

文化是国家的命脉和民族的灵魂。当今世界,无论是发达国家还是新兴工业国家,为在综合实力竞争中占有主动,都十分重视本国文化软实力的建设,并在实践中积累了许多宝贵经验。     

历史和现实的呼唤:创建中、日、韩经济共同体

中、日、韩三国创建经济合作体是必要的、可行的 ,这是世界经济区域化、一体化的潮流所决定的 ,也是三国在地理、人文和经贸关系上的密切性所要求的。“中、日、韩经济合作体”的建立存在着有利因素 ,也不能忽视那些障碍因素 ,如体制、经济矛盾、历史等问题 ,但这些并不能也不应该阻碍经济合作体的建立 ,相反 ,应利用目前的大好时机 ,将其提到历史日程上来。     

朝韩经济交流与合作的现状及展望

朝韩经济合作经历了试行、扩大、持续发展和迅速发展四个阶段,取得了较大的成果。自朝韩首脑会谈结束后,朝韩经济交流与合作由原来以民间为主导扩大到政府间的合作。朝鲜为经济建设创造的条件和朝韩双方经过协商与谈判达成的各项经济合作协议将促进双方的经济合作稳定健康地发展,但从两国实际情况出发,经济合作仍存在着一些问题和困难,需要较长的时间才能真正解决。     

The generosity moment: Ethnic politics,democratic consolidation and the state in Yugoslavia (Croatia), South Africa and Czechoslovakia

In the course of regime change in multiethnic societies there arises a critical juncture at which dominant ethnic groups must decide whether to accommodate minorities. Such critical junctures are called ‘generosity moments’. It is hypothesized that a generous, liberal approach towards minorities is the best way to ensure a peaceful transition, earn the democratic consent of minorities, and secure the legitimacy of the state. Competing ideas about the generosity moment are considered, such as the role structural factors play in determining political outcomes and the possibility that generosity will only encourage a series of unappeasable minority demands (the slippery slope thesis). This study finds that the structuring of ethnicity has a relatively stronger causal role to play than leadership variables in determining political outcomes. Czechoslovakia's ethnic structure (that is, homogeneous republics, no historical memory of interethnic war, and the absence of contested borders) inhibited the integrative effects of generosity and instead made possible a slippery slope dynamic. South Africa indicates that generosity can make a difference in some cases, but the more intense, multiple cleavages of Yugoslavia suggests limits to its effectiveness.     

菲律宾、日本和韩国反美军基地社会运动比较研究

美国驻在海外他国的军事基地,一直以来是国际政治中的焦点所在,本文试从美国军事基地驻在国民众反基地的社会运动视角入手,研究其对美军基地的存废的影响程度。通过对菲律宾、日本和韩国3国反基地社会运动的组织、过程以及绩效的比较,以获得对反基地社会运动的作用与不足的更为深入的认识。     

中、日、韩三国产业的互补性与竞争性——基于对外贸易的分析

随着韩国与中国经济的快速发展,中、日、韩三国产业结构与产业发展的差距有所缩小。当前三国之间的国际分工仍留有“雁行模式”的痕迹,制造业在三国均占有主导地位,但制造业内部各部门的发展水平仍有差距,三国在对外贸易中表现出来的产业互补性仍然较强。而另一方面,韩国与中国资本、技术密集型行业的发展对日本形成了竞争,韩国在少数劳动密集型行业同中国也存在竞争,三国产业在原先以互补性为主的基础上出现逐渐增强的竞争趋势。     

新一轮朝鲜核危机与日、韩、美3国协调体制

新一轮朝鲜半岛核危机正在挑战美国的反恐新战略。同时 ,朝鲜南北和谈、日朝平壤宣言 ,东北亚两大历史事件也冲击了美日、美韩同盟。在这历史性的转换中 ,日、韩、美 3国协调体制将从同盟向外交转换。构筑TCOG和KEDO的新协调体制 ,是这一转换的重要形式。     

Aid,growth and peace: a comparative analysis

This article disaggregates aid data to enrich our understanding of the patterns of post-conflict aid. We find that the front-loading of aid after a peace agreement, detected by previous research, has not been the general pattern. To begin with, relief and aid need separating out, commitments and disbursement distinguished, and four-year averages replaced by annual figures. Detailed analysis of seven post-conflict cases confirms that the political contexts of donation and implementation, including political assessments of peace agreements, have considerable influence on aid patterns. Finally, high levels of aid and rapid economic growth are not essential preconditions for sustaining peace. More significant are the short-term stabilisation strategies adopted and the distributive effects of structural adjustment.     

东北振兴战略与中、朝、韩合作前景

中国启动的东北振兴战略,不仅对“东北现象”的解决是一次重大转机,而且也被朝鲜、韩国视为搭乘中国经济发展快车的天赐良机。东北地区与朝鲜半岛毗邻的地缘优势决定了中国对朝、对韩经贸关系发展有着重要作用。如今,借助东北振兴战略启动之东风,与朝鲜的“强盛大国”建设、韩国的东北亚经济中心国家建设目标的提出,共同营造了有利于中、朝、韩三方加强经济合作的氛围和环境。     

Contradictions between economic liberalization and democratization: The case of South Korea

This article examines the relationships between economic liberalization and democratization in South Korea. The two processes are often correlated, but in Korea liberalization has been problematic for democratization. Domestic liberalization initially expanded space for labour organizations, but after they appeared to become too active, the process was so managed as to block political activity. This also resulted from pressures brought on by international liberalization, which made competitive wage costs increasingly important and raised the prospect of disinvestment by Korean and foreign firms. Liberalization has not reduced the power of business (the chaebol). Deregulation and privatization have encouraged a transfer of public economic power to the private sector. The increased political role of business is not necessarily beneficial, and the chaebol's economic power represents a threat to democratization in a variety of ways. In previous decades state power rested on economic controls; and the main impetus for democratization has come from the expansion of civil society through economic development, rather than from economic liberalization. State intervention in the economy may continue to be required to protect the position of certain civil society groups and to control business power, but domestic and international liberalization have challenged both of these functions and may increasingly curtail them in the future. Thus, close examination of the specifics of liberalization in South Korea show no automatic positive correlation can be made between economic and political reform without risking either reductionism or reification.