Decentralizing Pork: Congressional Roll‐Call Voting,Decentralized Administration,and Distributive Politics

Congress packages pork‐barrel spending in complicated proposals that belie theories of distributive politics. We theorize that roll‐call voting on such bills depends on grant programs' administrative centralization, party ties with presidents or home‐state governors, and differences in geographic representation between chambers. Analyzing votes between 1973 and 2010 using a within‐legislator strategy reveals that House members are less likely to support decentralized spending when they are copartisans with presidents, while senators support decentralization regardless of such party ties. When House members or senators share affiliation with only governors or with neither chief executive, the likelihood of support rises with decentralization.     

The Political Geography of Distributive Politics

Distributive politics plays an integral role in theories of legislative politics because it represents a fundamental aspect of legislators' electoral connection to constituents. We argue that because distributive politics is at its core a constituency‐centered process, it is essential to take geography into account in both substantive and statistical terms. Our analysis, which employs Geographic Weighted Regression, reveals substantial spatial heterogeneity in traditional models of pork‐barreling. The results challenge the implicit assumption that one size fits all when modeling the behavior of members of Congress in the realm of distributive politics.     

发展中国家与贸易--环境问题

发展中国家对在WTO框架内讨论和解决贸易———环境问题持有戒心。因为讨论中没有充分考虑发展中国家的利益和能力。风险预防原则、共同但有区别责任原则、举证责任问题以及与MEAs有关的条约解释问题 ,是发展中国家特别关注的。     

Evidence-Based Approaches to Crime Prevention in Developing Countries

The purpose of this paper is to review the present state of the evidence base on the effectiveness of crime prevention programmes and practices in developing countries and to consider the prospects for its improvement. The paper summarises the findings from a scoping review of the literature and develops some suggestions about how the void it finds might be filled. A key focus is on the quality of the methodology used in the research from which the findings are drawn. Against this background the paper considers the degree to which findings about effectiveness, even where they are derived from high quality research on the impact of a criminal justice intervention, are likely to be generalisable from the location of an experiment or pilot to other settings or countries. Building an evidence based on the effectiveness of crime prevention or crime reduction interventions for developing countries would clearly be a major task. Many kinds of political, social, economic and other forces, which vary from country to country, may mediate the impact of criminal justice interventions. The result may be that what works well in one country may not work at all well elsewhere for all kinds of reasons. The principal challenge in creating an evidence base is to develop inclusion criteria when making cross-country comparisons that strike an appropriate balance between the costs and benefits of greater methodological rigour and generalisation.     

论发展中国家金融现代化的基本走向

金融现代化主要应该是指发展中国家的金融现代化,包括"外源性现代化"和"混合性现代化".金融现代化研究应该超越传统金融发展理论视野.金融现代化的历史与逻辑起点应该是金融体系运作的市场化.同时,发展中国家的金融现代化还有赖于金融运作的国际协调.     

论发展中国家的经济安全及其保障

由于对发达国家的市场、资金和技术的依赖,同时还面临着民族问题的困扰、社会结构变革中的调控失衡、引进技术受限和人才外流严重等方面的难题,发展中国家的国家经济安全问题十分严峻,发民肿国家在当今的经济全球化浪潮中,要努力发展经济,壮大国家的经济力量和综合实力,积极而稳定进行社会制度变革,尽量减少国外经济波动的不良影响,提高参与国际经济竞争的能力,才能行之有效地保障其国家经济安全。     

Developing Countries and Global Environmental Governance: From Contestation to Participation to Engagement

Developing countries did not start off as demandeurs of global environmental governance. Although they are still rather skeptical about the global environmental enterprise, they have come a long way from being the vigorous contestants that they were three decades ago. This fascinating evolution has not only changed the views of developing countries but has also transformed the shape of the global environmental discourse, most significantly by turning what used to be global environmental politics into what is now the global politics of sustainable development. This paper charts this evolution by using the twin conceptual lenses of effectiveness and legitimacy and the heuristic markers of the three key global conferences on the global environment (Stockholm 1972; Rio de Janeiro 1992; Johannesburg 2002). The paper argues that the pre-Stockholm era was exemplified by a politics of contestation by the South; the Stockholm-to-Rio period was a period of reluctant participation as a new global compact emerged around the notion of sustainable development; and the post-Rio years have seen the emergence of more meaningful, but still hesitant, engagement by the developing countries in the global environmental project but very much around the promise and potential of actualizing sustainable development. The author is grateful to an anonymous review, and to Steinar Andresen, Ellen Hey, and Jessica Green for valuable comments.     

在知识产权领域进行跨协定报复:发展中国家可用的武器

发展中国家在第三次欧共体香蕉案和美国赌博案中向DSB申请了在知识产权领域实行跨协定报复,这是很有意义的开端.理论上,发展中国家中止知识产权义务进行报复比在货物贸易领域和服务贸易领域实施报复更具优越性.但是,要使它成为发展中国家的合法、有效、可行的报复方式,还必须权衡知识产权的地域性,权利穷竭制度以及发展中国家欠缺技术能力所带来的限制等可能产生的法律问题和经济问题.     

Distributive justice: Theory and research

The concept of distributive justice and the theoretical and empirical work conducted on it during the past two decades are examined. Three questions provide the structure for this examination: (i) What are fundamental conceptual dimensions of distributive justice and the specific substantive issues to which they are related? (ii) What central questions has recent work on distributive justice addressed? and (iii) What are the most important emerging issues on which work in the near-term future should focus? Much of the theory and research examined in the paper is social psychological in nature, but reference is made to related work in related disciplines, particularly sociology and philosophy.     

中国政治发展过程中的“群众”探微

我国民主政治的发展路径与西方国家相比有较大不同,集中表现在“群众”这一过渡环节.从空间角度来说,“群众”无疑彰显了中国的政治特色;从时间角度来看, “群众”既是臣民时代的终结者,同时又叩响了公民时代的大门,其在中国政治发展过程中扮演着过渡者的角色.本文分析了中国政治发展过程中“群众”的政治内涵,探讨了中国特殊的政治演变逻辑,提出了中国政治未来的发展方向.     

The Clean Development Mechanism: A Bane or a Boon for Developing Countries?

We analyse the gains to developing countries from the participation in the CDM during the Kyoto period (until 2010) in the event an emissions trading (ET) regime exists in the post-Kyoto period (2010–20). We show that the developing countries will always be better-off participating in the CDM if the emissions quota they get in the post-Kyoto period is not linked to their baseline emissions. However if their quota equals (or is related to) their baseline emissions, CDM participation strategy may be a preferred alternative only if the CDM price is high enough to off-set the losses of the post-Kyoto period (during ET regime) due to participation in the CDM. We simulate the CDM and ET in the Kyoto and post-Kyoto period and show that with the reduction targets given in the Kyoto Protocol for Annex B countries, participation in the CDM is beneficial to non-Annex B (developing) countries, even if their emissions quota in the post-Kyoto period (during ET regime) is determined by their baseline emissions. Abatement supply price in the post-Kyoto period however turns out to be crucial factor in this case.