对宗教自由与多元主义的挑战：印尼反阿赫默迪亚运动浅析

印尼是一个多元民族与多元文化的国家，宗教自由与多元主义是印尼建国以来长期奉行的政治原则，对维护族群团结与社会稳定发挥着重要影响。但近年来印尼国内日益猖獗的反伊斯兰阿赫默迪亚教派的运动不仅严重践踏了宗教自由与多元主义的政治原则，同时也凸显了后苏哈托时期印尼伊斯兰激进主义的膨胀及其日益增长的政治影响。今天印尼的反阿赫默迪亚运动不仅加剧了印尼伊斯兰思想与穆斯林社会的分裂，同时也折射出当代印尼伊斯兰自由主义与多元主义在印尼面临的困境与挑战。     

A New Typology of Electoral Violence: Insights from Indonesia

ABSTRACT

Existing literature on election violence has focused on how violence suppresses voter participation or shapes their preferences. Yet, there are other targets of election violence beyond voters who have so far received little attention: candidates and government agencies. By intimidating rival candidates into dropping out of the race, political hopefuls can literally reduce the number of competitors and increase their likelihood of winning. Likewise, aspiring candidates can target government agencies perceived to be responsible for holding elections to push for electorally beneficial decisions. In this paper, we introduce a new typology of electoral violence and utilize new data of election violence that occur around executive elections in Indonesia from 2005 through 2012. The types of violence we identified differ in these ways: a) Of all cases of electoral violence observed in this article, most incidents were targeted towards candidates and government bodies; b) candidates are generally targeted before elections, whereas voter-targeting incidents are spread out evenly before and after elections and government-targeted violence tends to occur afterwards; c) pre-election violence is concentrated in formerly separatist areas, but post-election violence is more common in districts with prior ethnocommunal violence. These distinctions stress the importance of examining when and why different strategies are adopted.     

International relations in Indonesia: historical legacy, political intrusion, and commercialization

This paper is about the development of international relations(IR) as a field of study in Indonesian universities. It arguesthat IR as a discipline has been encountering a paradox. Onthe one hand, while the discipline has been increasingly heldin high esteem by students, marked by an increasing number ofapplicants to IR departments across the country; on the otherhand, IR scholars show too little commitment to research andpublication for the development of the discipline; and if theydo publish, the quality of writing is generally poor. This articleindicates that the paradox of teaching IR in Indonesia has muchto do with historical legacies and political intrusion, as wellas an economic environment in which universities are increasinglydriven toward commercial activities. All these factors shapethe current development of social science in general, and IRin particular. Received for publication August 28, 2008. Accepted for publication October 7, 2008.     

Party politics,elections and (mis-)trust in Japan

Abstract

Trust matters profoundly for many dimensions of political life. In this article we focus on political trust: how the trust or mistrust citizens have toward the political process, politicians and government affects politics. Prior research has shown that political trust influences such crucial dimensions of politics as the basic legitimacy of government, political participation, voting behavior, compliance with government, and reform orientation. In this article, we seek to answer three major questions. First, is political trust declining in Japan? Second, we are interested in exploring the determinants of trust and distrust in politics: why do people lose trust in politics? What kinds of voters lose political trust? Third, we explore the consequences: what happens when people lose trust in government and politics.     

Trials,lustration, and clean elections: the uneven effects of transitional justice mechanisms on electoral manipulation

Transitional justice aims to promote democratization, but previous research has found that it has mixed effects. We address this puzzle by focussing on how transitional justice affects a necessary condition for democracy: clean elections. We test for the effects of four transitional justice mechanisms – truth commissions, lustration policies, amnesties, and trials – on two different types of electoral manipulation, using data from 187 post-transition elections held in 63 countries around the world from 1980 to 2004. We find that post-transition trials limit illegal forms of electoral manipulation, such as vote-buying and falsification of results, but have no effect on legal forms of manipulation. By contrast, lustration policies limit legal manipulation tactics, like intimidation and harassment of opponents by the security services, but do not affect illegal tactics. By showing that different aspects of transitional justice can have varying influence on electoral integrity, this project improves understanding of the mechanisms that link transitional justice and democratization.     

印尼农业发展成就、政府扶助农业的主要政策措施及存在的问题

印尼是一个农业大国,农业在国民经济中历来占有十分重要的地位。独立以后,印尼历届政府基本上都强调要优先发展农业,并采取了一系列政策措施支撑农业的发展,除了大力发展粮食生产努力实现稻米自给外,还发展了价值高、销路大的经济作物,为全国大量的劳动力提供了就业机会。但印尼农业发展的势头在减弱,耕地面积减少、农业基础设施不足,机械化仍处于低水平,农村贫困问题在加深等,这些都给今后的农业发展带来新的困难。印尼要完成从传统农业向现代农业的转化仍要经过一个艰难的历程。     

Rooted in People,Originated from Exchanges:Side Notes on CAFIU Delegation's Visit to Indonesia and Sri Lanka

正At the invitation of Indonesia National Council on Social Welfare(DNIKS)and Sri Lanka-China Friendship Association(SLCFA),Mr.Liu Kaiyang,Deputy Secretary-General of CAFIU headed a 6-member delegation to visit Indonesia and Sri Lanka from December 7 to 14,2014.Through this visit,CAFIU has enhanced mutual understanding with     

印尼华文教师的现状：问题与对策——从社会问卷调查看印尼华文教育的状况

印尼瓦希德和梅加瓦蒂两届政府均主张多元文化社会,调整了华文政策,华文教育获得了迅速的发展.目前,印尼华文教育面临师资严重短缺、师资队伍老化、教学水平不高、学生学习华文困难等诸多问题.通过对印尼华文教师进行田野调查,进一步了解到印尼华文教师队伍的现状和存在的问题,有助于解决困难和推动华文教育的发展.     

Regime Change and Foreign Policy: Portugal,Indonesia and the Self-determination of East Timor

This article argues that the nature of interim governments is not a satisfactory explanation of foreign policy initiatives, or their absence, during particular types of transition to democracy. The proposal is rejected for two main reasons. On the one hand, both the Portuguese (1974-76) and Indonesian (1998-99) transitions to democracy provide evidence that contradicts the proposal. On the other hand, the proposition does not explain which foreign policy decisions are taken and the reasons why. This article argues that we should focus instead on the new individual and corporate evaluations and strategies that come about inside a country as a result of new elite alignments, following the installation of a democratic regime, which opens a window of opportunity for making foreign policy changes. Moreover, the perceptions of the international community also influence the decision-making of individual and corporate interests and their strategies. Where the preceding authoritarian regime pursued foreign policies that the international community regarded as illegitimate, then there will be incentives to change policy. This approach sheds more light on the case studies involving Portugal, Indonesia and East Timor, by identifying correctly the foreign policy initiatives that were taken during the regime transitions to democracy and by explaining the underlying reasons.     

Revisiting Representation: Communism,Women in Politics,and the Decline of Armed Conflict in East Asia

This research note evaluates one of the commonly used measurements for political gender equality: representation of women in parliaments. It demonstrates that caution is called for when interpreting results where this variable is used, because parliamentary representation implies different things in different settings. Societies with more women in parliament tend to have fewer intrastate armed conflicts. We investigate this statistical association with a particular focus on East Asia. This region has seen a shift from extremely intense warfare to low levels of battle deaths at roughly the same time as great strides have been made in the representation of women in parliaments. This research note shows, however, that this statistical association is driven by authoritarian communist regimes promoting gender equality as a part of communist ideology, and these countries’ representative chambers have little influence over politics. Using statistical tests and empirical illustrations from East Asia, the note concludes that the political representation of women is an invalid indicator of political gender equality in East Asia. There is thus a need for nuance in assessing the picture painted in earlier research. In addition, the suggestion that more women in parliament will lead to fewer armed conflicts runs the risk of being forwarded as an oversimplified solution to a complex problem, and we briefly discuss the instrumentalization of gender equality in peace and security studies.     

Russia and NATO expansion: The uneasy basis of the founding act

Much of the debate since the formation of the Common Foreign and Security Policy has focused on the political will, or lack thereof, as the principal obstacle to a successful European security policy. However, even if a cohesive will to develop a clear and operational foreign and security policy exists, the lack of military capabilities within the EU would make the implementation of that policy difficult, if not impossible, for the foreseeable future. The emerging political will to develop a CFSP needs to be paralleled by significant improvements in the force projection capabilities of the EU member states in order for a CFSP and future Common Defence Policy to be credible.     

印度尼西亚:2020年回顾与2021年展望

2020年,在COVID-19疫情防控背景下,印度尼西亚的政治与社会形势总体稳定.下半年,总统佐科改组内阁,并经受了伊斯兰捍卫者阵线对政府权威的挑战.印度尼西亚经济经历1998年以来的最大幅度下滑,但随着国家经济复苏计划的实施走出了低谷,以V字型走势反转.外交上,印度尼西亚重视卫生合作和经济外交,并在地区及国际事务中发挥积极作用.     

印度尼西亚：2012～2013年回顾与展望

2012年,印尼政治、经济延续了2011年的发展态势,政治社会形势总体稳定、党派斗争加剧、暴力冲突时有发生。在经济方面,在世界经济萎靡和疲软的环境下仍然保持了宏观经济的稳定、较低的通胀率和较高的经济增长率。2013年,印尼政府仍面临国内外政治经济形势的诸多不确定性,主要国际机构和印尼央行对2013年印尼的经济预期乐观,私人消费和投资仍将成为2013年经济增长的主要引擎。随着世界经济缓慢复苏以及主要贸易伙伴经济增长的提高,出口对经济增长的作用将好于2012年。     

印度尼西亚:2015年回顾与2016年展望

2015年,印度尼西亚的政治与社会形势稳定,新内阁执政环境好转,与此同时恐怖主义威胁形势严峻.多项经济指标不如预期,但政府的改革措施为长远发展奠定了基础.印度尼西亚外交继续奉行独立自主的原则,维护主权及国民利益的外交举措果决.     

印度尼西亚:2008年回顾与2009年展望

2008年印尼遭遇了世界性的金融危机,但是苏西洛总统领导的印尼政府致力于政治体制改革、稳定国内局势,经济保持了较快的增长,外交取得不小的成果,一些社会问题也得到解决.     

印度尼西亚:2016年回顾与2017年展望

稳定与发展仍是2016年印度尼西亚形势的关键词.印度尼西亚总统佐科获得国会更多党派支持,执政环境进一步好转,政绩获好评.但政治斗争依然激烈,反钟万学游行成为印度尼西亚政治与社会进入新敏感期的标志性事件.经济上,主要指标基本符合预期,标志着该国经济正在进入良性恢复轨道.外交方面,印度尼西亚以东盟为基石积极参与地区和国际事务,维护主权和海外侨民利益力度更大,与大国关系总体平衡发展.