Public Opinion and Representation of Women in National Legislatures: An Analysis of Cause and Effect

Studies of female representation in national legislatures have claimed that the gender attitudes of a country's population have an effect on female representation in that country's parliament. This claim is based on the assumption that there is a unidirectional effect of public attitudes on female representation. This article tests that assumption, and hypothesises that in countries with multi-member electoral districts the effect is likely to flow in the opposite direction. When women are nominated, and to some extent elected to parliament, their presence in national politics affects public attitudes towards women in that role. Granger tests of causality in eight European countries and in the United States generally support these hypotheses. The effect flows from public attitudes to female representation in countries with single-seat districts, and in the opposite direction in countries with multi-member districts.     

From Theory to Practice: Citizens’ Attitudes about Representation in France

French institutions, political culture and history have favoured a very abstract conception of representation: MPs are expected to embody collectively the French Nation, but little is known about citizens’ concrete views on representation. In this paper, data gathered through a citizen mass survey are used. To overcome the usual abstract considerations on representation, respondents were asked their opinion on an MP who would endorse amendments proposed by an interest group. In the questionnaire, two features were changed randomly: the MP's political leaning and the type of interest group. It is shown by means of an original experiment that the ‘general’ conception representation has disappeared from citizens’ attitudes: despite the enduring legitimacy of the general will approach in the public sphere, French citizens appear to promote a conception of representation close to the Madisonian views on pluralism involving a strong attachment to the logic of territorial electoral linkage.     

Collateral damage: do gender quotas undermine party discipline?

Quotas are the most disputed instrument to promote equal representation of women. Today, political parties in more than 90 democracies apply them. Essentially, gender quotas are a manipulation of the electoral rules. Scholars of legislative politics have created an impressive knowledge of the effect of electoral rules on political behaviour. So far, this literature remains unconnected to the literature on gender quotas. Our study contributes to closing that research gap.     

Ethnic Minorities, Social Integration and Crime

This article first discusses various dimensions of the social integration of minorities into society. The Netherlands is taken as an example, although research from other countries (such as the US and Sweden) is also taken into consideration. Useful concepts in this regard include the level to which these groups have social, informative and cultural capital that can help them to integrate into the dominant society. The second part considers the theoretical links between integration and criminal behaviour. The author assumes that the fundamental causal processes that lead to the development of criminality and other negative behaviour are independent of country of origin, ethnic group or the country of residence. In other words – that these processes, as they emerge in social control theory, have a universal character. In the second place, she assumes that differences in crime between ethnic groups are linked to group differences in socio-economic integration in the host country and in culture-related variables. Furthermore, there are also differences in the criminality of allochtonous youth within ethnic groups. These are similarly assumed to be linked to differences in commitment to social institutions such as family and school and to differences in accepting specific Western norms and values.     

Discrimination Towards Ethnic Minorities: How Does it Relate to Majority Group Members’ Outgroup Attitudes and Support for Multiculturalism

We examined how ethnic discrimination targeting ethnic minority group members would affect majority group members’ attitudes and multiculturalism towards ethnic minority groups in the context of Turkish–Kurdish interethnic conflict. Study 1 (N = 356) demonstrated that the extent to which majorities (Turkish) believed there was ethnic discrimination towards minorities (Kurdish) in the Turkish society was associated with positive outgroup attitudes and support for multiculturalism through decreased levels of perceived threat from the outgroup. Study 2 (N = 82) showed that Turkish participants who read bogus news reports about the prevalence of ethnic discrimination towards the Kurdish were more positive towards this ethnic group (higher levels of support for multiculturalism, culture maintenance, and intergroup contact) compared to participants in the neutral condition. Furthermore, participants who were presented with lower levels of discrimination (few companies have been discriminatory against the Kurdish) were more positive towards Kurdish people than participants who were presented with higher levels of discrimination (most companies have been discriminatory against the Kurdish). Regardless of the intensity of discrimination, information about the prevalence of ethnic discrimination improved majority members’ attitudes towards ethnic minority groups. Practical and theoretical implications of the studies were discussed.     

Attitudes toward victims of rape: effects of gender, race, religion, and social class

Although previous literature focusing on perceptions of victims of rape has examined how gender, race, and culture influence the attitudes one holds toward victims, these studies have yielded mixed results. This study compared perceptions of victims of rape across a wide range of ages, educational backgrounds, religions, and income levels, while focusing on gender and racial differences. Results indicate (N = 220) that victims of rape are generally viewed more sympathetically by females than by males and by Whites than by African Americans. However, the effect of race disappears when socioeconomic variables are controlled, suggesting a more complex relationship. Also, a hierarchical regression indicates that age, sex, education, and income are significant predictors of attitudes toward victims. This study builds on existing research that examines such attitudes from a cultural perspective and extends this literature by examining the interactive effects of several demographic variables within a community sample.     

‘Mixt marriages’: Ethnic and Religious Intermarriage among German-Speakers in Eighteenth-Century Pennsylvania

ABSTRACT

Civil and religious authorities in eighteenth-century America grew increasingly concerned over the freedom with which young people chose their marriage partners. Correlating racial, religious and cultural similarity in marriage to a stable society, these authorities attempted to limit marriage and sexual choices by requiring parental authority for marriage, distributing permits to a select few to perform marriages, and criminalizing racial miscegenation. Eighteenth-century Pennsylvania German authorities supported this attitude because they associated ethnic and religious out-marriage with the weakening of the body and the destruction of society. My study uses the marriage and birth records of eighteenth-century Pennsylvania Germans to examine their marriage and sexual relationships. I discovered that Pennsylvania Germans overwhelmingly chose to marry other German-speakers, out of proportion with their population. By examining the then available works on marriage and procreation, I discovered that Pennsylvania Germans read works that emphasized the necessity and importance of intra-ethnic and religious sex and marriage for the health of their children. Pennsylvania Germans chose their marriage partners in alignment with their community’s attitudes towards those of other ethnicities and religions. A small data set further suggests that relationships with non-Germans occurred but rarely became formalized. This complicates what we know about the sexual and emotional revolutions in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries; far from a linear progression of attitudes towards sex, marriage, and others, eighteenth-century Pennsylvania Germans expressed multiple, contextually-driven perspectives, and in the process they created and maintained strong ethnic communities.     

Latina Fortitude in the Face of Disadvantage: Exploring the Conditioning Effects of Ethnic Identity and Gendered Ethnic Identity on Latina Offending

Recent literature has investigated if socialization and identity protect against the criminogenic effects of strainful experiences for African Americans. Here Latinas are brought to the forefront. This study not only investigates if a positive ethnic identity increases fortitude against strainful events, but if its effects are further influenced by gender socialization. Results reveal ethnic identity increases resilience against the criminogenic effects of vicarious victimization and acculturation and gendered ethnic identity protects against direct victimization. This study reinforces the need for further investigation into cultural explanations for within group differences in criminogenic outcomes.     

Transitional narratives of identity among ethnic minority youth gangs in Denmark: from collectivism to individualism

Current literature often depicts the street cultures of ethnic minority youth as forms of collective cultural resistance to experiences of marginalization from mainstream society. Based on ethnographic fieldwork and qualitative interviews in 2014 with 23 young men attached to a rehabilitation centre for criminal offenders in Denmark, this article focuses on ethnic minority youth who desist from such street culture and their former gang life, criminality and drug use and how they describe this shift within their narratives. More specifically, we show how this shift can to some extent be characterized by a move from collective to more individualistic self-narratives re-articulating broader individualistic discourses existing in contemporary society. Among these more individualistic self-narratives, we find extensive reference to ideas of self-responsibility and also individual pragmatic interpretations of Islam. Such re-articulations can be seen as a way to create feelings of agency in severely disempowering circumstances.     

A media campaign prevention program for child sexual abuse: community members' perspectives

This study examines the face validity and feasibility of materials included in a multimedia child sexual abuse (CSA) prevention campaign. A quantitative survey method assessed participants' comfort level, knowledge gain, and likelihood of behavioral change in response to the media campaign. Furthermore, a focus group method explored participants' attitudes and opinions regarding the campaign and the unique effects of ethnic or cultural norms on participants' acceptance of the media materials. Six groups, established based on participant ethnicity (i.e., three Caucasian groups, two African American groups, one Hispanic group), met at two sites in the Charleston, South Carolina, area. Quantitative data suggest that participants reported increased CSA knowledge and low levels of discomfort or anxiety related to exposure to the materials. Focus group results suggest that study participants, regardless of ethnic background, agreed that the media campaign can have a positive impact on public knowledge of CSA. Implications and directions for future research are discussed.     

Women's Substantive Representation: Defending Feminist Interests or Women's Electoral Preferences?

To what extent does the inclusion of marginalised groups in policymaking institutions influence policy outcomes? This article examines whether and under which conditions female legislators are more likely to represent women's interests compared with male legislators. Building on the literature on women's substantive representation, it is argued that the advocacy of women's interests by female representatives depends on a number of factors, namely party affiliation, contact with women's organisations, electoral district, and seniority. This argument is evaluated using vote-level fixed-effect models based on a unique data set from a direct democratic context that combines representatives' voting behaviour, women's voting preferences, and recommendations from feminist groups. The findings show that female legislators defend feminist interests more than their male colleagues but that they only marginally respond to women's electoral preferences. Moreover, gender has its most visible effect within the populist party.     

OVERCOMING THE BARRIERS OF PRIVACY

From the culture conflict theory of crime, it is possible to derive several hypotheses. This article tests the effect of recency of immigration, cultural homogeneity, and percent nondominant ethnic group upon delinquency levels in Israeli communities. When the size of the population and the juveniles population are controlled, none of these variables has a significant effect. Analysis of variance reveals significant urbanization effects, particularly on property delinuency rates. The results are discussed and a minimal "critical mass" of juveniles is suggested as a necessary condition for the emergence of delinquency .     

THE NEGLECT OF CHILDREN AND CULTURE: RESPONDING TO CHILD MALTREATMENT WITH CULTURAL COMPETENCE AND A REVIEW OF CHILD ABUSE AND CULTURE: WORKING WITH DIVERSE FAMILIES*

This article examines cultural competence in the context of child protective proceedings, underscoring the dangers posed by bias toward particular cultural views, standards, and norms. I look at the racial imbalance within the realm of child maltreatment proceedings and explore the challenge of how children can receive appropriate services, counseling, and representation, given their varying cultural, ethnic, and racial backgrounds. Lastly, I review Child Abuse and Culture: Working with Diverse Families, by Lisa Aronson Fontes.     

社会表征理论及其发展

社会表征理论是由法国社会心理学家莫斯科维奇（S．Moscovici）首先提出来的，它是对共享实在的一种解释，目前已经成为欧美社会心理学界的共识性趋势。它对群体行为和群体认知做出了新的阐明，并成为群体关系研究中最有影响的理论，同社会认同理论、话语分析理论并列成为欧洲社会心理学的三个经典流派。它对产生于群体的认知和行为作出解释，强调群体的中心性、群体影响和沟通个体的意识，同时强调社会心理现象和过程只能通过将其放在历史的、文化的和宏观的社会环境中才能进行最好的理解和研究。新近的研究也为社会表征理论提供了一定的证据和有利支持。该理论是欧洲社会心理学本土化的重要成果，对社会心理学具有重要的贡献，尤其是将对于我国的社会心理学的理论和实证研究具有一定的推动作用，因而需要进一步的研究和完善。     

从平等走向自由——关于城乡人大代表差别选举的理论思考

选举法修正案草案取消了城乡代表权差异化配置的条款,这一显著变化表明我国选举制度向实现公民的完全平等迈出了一大步。但它具有的意义不只如此,它还为进一步实现公民选举权的自由维度提供了基础。从平等方面看,选举法的修改在公民投票权平等的基础上,实现了公民代表权的平等,也就是在＂同票＂的基础上实现了＂同权＂。按照城乡同比例选举,人民代表大会中城乡代表的比例会和社会构成中城乡比例一致起来,从而提高了人大对社会的代表性。当然,按照独立论的解释,过高的官员比例也同样是可能具有高代表性的。但这种争论只涉及到了问题的表层,最重要的问题应该是代表是如何产生的,这是与选举权中的自由向度紧密相连的问题。如果不能实现公民在选举中充分的自由权利,保证代表能够合理、公正地产生,那么平等也只能成为摆设。选举制度的进一步发展应该是在平等的基础上实现公民的自由选举权。这是选举法修改实现选举平等之后带给我们的进一步的理论思考。     

ETHNIC THREAT AND SOCIAL CONTROL: EXAMINING PUBLIC SUPPORT FOR JUDICIAL USE OF ETHNICITY IN PUNISHMENT*

Research on social inequality in punishment has focused for a long time on the complex relationship among race, ethnicity, and criminal sentencing, with a particular interest in the theoretical importance that group threat plays in the exercise of social control in society. Prior research typically relies on aggregate measures of group threat and focuses on racial rather than on ethnic group composition. The current study uses data from a nationally representative sample of U.S. residents to investigate the influence of more proximate and diverse measures of ethnic group threat, examining public support for the judicial use of ethnic considerations in sentencing. Findings indicate that both aggregate and perceptual measures of threat influence popular support for ethnic disparity in punishment and that individual perceptions of criminal and economic threat are particularly important. Moreover, we find that perceived threat is conditioned by aggregate group threat contexts. Findings are discussed in relation to the growing Hispanic population in the rapidly changing demographic structure of U.S. society.     

Proportional Representation and Female Parliamentarians

This article asks, “What effect does the choice of a nation's electoral system have on the gender composition of its parliament over time?” I find that the electoral system has an important part to play, but previous work has overstated, by factors of between two and three, how much of a difference an electoral system can make. This article contributes an updated nonlinear theory of female representation, an improved dataset on women's representation across space and time, and more modern statistical techniques than previously used in research on this question.     

The Politics of Difference: Statehood and Toleration in a Multicultural World

The author identifies four possible attitudes of tolerance toward groups with different ways of life: resignation, indifference, curiosity and enthusiasm. He explores the potential for these attitudes and concludes by discussing the role of boundaries within communities in modernism and postmodernism. The author is not going to focus on toleration of eccentric or dissident individuals in civil society; he is interested in individual rights primarily when they are exercised in common—in the course of voluntary association or religious worship or cultural elaboration—or when they are claimed by groups on behalf of their members.     

Attitudes toward Domestic Violence in Korean and Vietnamese Immigrant Communities: Implications for Human Services

The present study examined the effects of gender, ethnicity, acculturation level, age, and education level of Korean and Vietnamese Americans on their attitudes toward domestic violence. The sample consisted of 229 Koreans and 184 Vietnamese, recruited from ethnic communities and college campuses in southern California. Participants completed a brief questionnaire, which included the Revised Attitudes toward Wife Abuse Scale (RAWA) and the Marin and Marin Acculturation Scale as well as demographic variables. Gender, education, and acculturation level emerged as significant predictors of attitudes toward domestic violence. More specifically, men as well as those who were less acculturated and less educated were more likely to endorse pro-violence attitudes. While there were no significant ethnic differences in the global attitude toward domestic violence between the two immigrant groups, there were specific inter-ethnic differences on select items of the RAWA scale.