Making Quotas Work: The Effect of Gender Quota Laws On the Election of Women

Gender quota laws are intended to increase the number of women elected to legislatures, but initial evidence suggests that many laws have had little effect. I present a cross‐national, statistical test that analyzes how three key dimensions of candidate quota laws affect women's representation. My results show that quotas that require more women to be on party ballots lead to the election of more women, independent of placement mandates and enforcement mechanisms, but rules governing where female candidates are listed on the ballot and sanctions for noncompliance amplify that effect. Candidate quotas can increase women's representation, but the quotas' effectiveness depends on their design.     

The Increasing Effectiveness of National Gender Quotas, 1990–2010

National gender quotas—policies that require a certain percentage of women candidates or legislators—are becoming more effective over time. Using data on 145 countries from 1990 to 2010, we document this trend with latent growth‐curve models. Part of the explanation for increasing effectiveness is that countries have ratcheted up targets for women's inclusion and that quotas are increasingly written in ways that make them more effective at achieving stated goals. Activists, political elites, and policy makers have learned over time which quota policies are most effective, resulting in quotas with provisions that more often lead to success. But, changes in rules alone do not account for the increasing effectiveness of quotas over time. It appears that changing norms about women's incorporation in politics are also increasing quota effectiveness regardless of policy design.     

Collateral damage: do gender quotas undermine party discipline?

Quotas are the most disputed instrument to promote equal representation of women. Today, political parties in more than 90 democracies apply them. Essentially, gender quotas are a manipulation of the electoral rules. Scholars of legislative politics have created an impressive knowledge of the effect of electoral rules on political behaviour. So far, this literature remains unconnected to the literature on gender quotas. Our study contributes to closing that research gap.     

Women in parliament: assessing the effectiveness of gender quotas in Poland

Gender quotas aim to increase women’s parliamentary representation. However, the effectiveness of quotas varies. This article explores this issue further by examining the case of Poland, where gender quotas were introduced in 2011. The Polish case presents an interesting puzzle. Although the overall number of women candidates increased almost twofold in comparison with the pre-quota period, this translated into only a slight increase in the number of women deputies in 2011 and 2015. Hence, the impact of quotas was limited. However, the partisan analysis shows that there was a significant variation among individual parties: whereas some parties promoted wholeheartedly women’s access to political office, other parties did not facilitate it. By drawing on rational choice institutionalism, this article shows that institutions and preferences of political parties matter for the effectiveness of gender quotas. In the case of ineffective gender quota policy, political parties have a final say in women’s parliamentary representation.     

Gender Quotas in Politics: The Greek System in the Light of EU Law

Positive action is currently gaining momentum in the European anti-discrimination discourse and policy-making as a necessary and effective tool to achieve the goal of full and effective equality in employment. Gender quotas in politics, however, are thought to remain outside the normative scope of Community law, the dominant view being that candidature for elected public office does not constitute employment in the sense of the relevant provisions. This article seeks to examine the Greek quota system for women in politics in its dialectical relationship to the general equality discourse and with reference to the current normative framework in Europe. The aims are threefold: to assess the legality of positive action in favour of women in politics from the point of view of EU law, to evaluate the effectiveness of the Greek system in achieving its gender equality goals, and to identify the problems that quotas in politics may pose with regard to the principle of democratic representation. It will, thus, be argued that positive measures in politics, though generally compatible with the fundamental principles of justice and representative democracy, may nevertheless be inadequate—at least in their current form—to provide effective solutions to the unequal distribution of social and political power.     

Affirmative Action in the Legal Profession

This article examines whether the legal profession should use quotas and decision-making preferences in recruitment and promotion in favour of women, ethnic minorities, and those from socially disadvantaged backgrounds. It argues that this is necessary to eradicate current patterns of discrimination and disadvantage. It also argues that quotas and decision-making preferences do not necessarily conflict with appointment or promotion on merit, and hence that consequent unfairness to other applicants is more apparent than real. Moreover, any potential stigmatization of the beneficiaries of affirmative action is outweighed by the advantages in reversing the under-representation of women, ethnic minorities, and those from socially disadvantaged background, thereby challenging perceptions of their inferior qualities as lawyers. Finally, practical problems in the implementation of affirmative action are considered and argued to be insufficiently serious to stand in the way of its introduction.     

Reforming the United Kingdom Constitution: Law,Convention, Soft Law

The Governance of Britain Green Paper continues the programme of constitutional reform begun in 1997, and appears to reinforce the juridification of the UK's constitution. Nevertheless, several key reforms will be implemented not by legislation, but by creating new conventions. This article argues that such ‘declared’ conventions are best understood as a form of constitutional ‘soft law’, which attempt to influence constitutional behaviour rather than generating binding norms. Applying a regulatory analysis, it then argues that the case for a soft, rather than hard law approach to constitutional reform is weaker than its widespread use in the UK suggests. Finally, the article challenges the thesis that the political constitution is being replaced by a legal constitution, arguing that the government's attitude to constitutional reform still exhibits basic characteristics of political constitutionalism. Moreover, there is more to contemporary constitutional developments than a bipolar contest between political and legal constitutionalism.     

"It's the little things": women, trauma, and strategies for healing

Women recover and heal from traumatic violent experiences in many different ways. This study, which is part of the Franklin County Women and Violence Project, explores the healing experiences of 18 women who have histories of violence, substance abuse, and involvement in the mental health and/or substance abuse treatment system. Ethnographic interviews suggest that while professional intervention can be beneficial, it may not be adequate. In fact, it can be retruamatizing. The means of service delivery and treatment by individuals, service providers and others, may be more important than the actual service. Often women find that caring individuals and a safe environment yield the greatest benefit. It is not so much what people do to help, but how they do it.     

A negative relationship between religion and the percentage of women state legislators in the United States

State contextual variables strongly associated with the percentage of women state legislators include the percentage of Christians and political culture. The percentage of Christians is inversely related to the percentage of women state legislators. This is a new finding. The relationship with political culture, noted by previous researchers, is confirmed by our research. Other state contextual variables associated weakly with the percentage of women legislators include the percentage of labour union members and multi‐member districts. Using multiple regression analysis, over 70 per cent of the variation in the percentage of women state legislators has been accounted for. Thus election of women state legislators in 1991 is primarily associated with ideological rather than political or demographic factors. Data from all 50 states are used in the analysis.     

A Third Liberal Theory of Secession

Conclusion While I agree with Birch that the four cases he cites are cases that justify secession, I disagree that these are the only cases. In fact, I disagree with his approach that there can ever be a case where secession is not justified. If a group of individuals would rather be a part of a different political entity than the one to which they are currently a part, they have an inalienable right to form a political entity that is more to their liking, or to join with an already existing political entity. It is not a matter of permission. It is a matter of right. And there is no theoretical reason why the size of the seceding group cannot be as small as a single individual, although there may be some technical difficulties involved when the entity seceding is this small.He has authored or co-authored more than 30 books and has written more than 200 articles for a variety of professional journals.     

Finding our way: early learning from the Compass Project,an Intensive Intervention Risk Management service for women

Abstract

Intensive Intervention Risk Management (IIRM) services are commissioned under the Offender Personality Disorder strategy to contribute to a psychologically informed pathway by supporting individuals ‘through the gate’. This paper reports some of the learning from the first IIRM service for women and outlines how those involved have sought to understand the challenges that were faced by this project in its early days. This paper argues that these challenges help to clarify the role of IIRM services for women and that the ambition for these services should be to facilitate coherent, holistic management. We suggest that IIRM services for women offenders are likely to be most effective if they are well integrated and responsive to the social context, underpinned by a partnership approach and have clear processes for service delivery. Finally, we argue that IIRM services for women should be characterised by a commitment to involvement at every level.     

Gender Equality on the Boards of EU Companies: Between Economic Efficiency,Fundamental Rights and Democratic Legitimisation of Economic Governance

Currently, there is a large gap between the proportion of employed and well‐educated women and those sitting on the boards of EU companies. This gap should be significantly diminished because it is mandated by the EU fundamental right of equality between women and men (Article 23 of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights), and by the need for democratic legitimisation of the EU and of its economic governance (Articles 2 and 3(3) TEU). However, the Commission's proposal for a directive on improving the gender balance among non‐executive directors of companies listed on stock exchanges does not constitute an appropriate legal solution for this problem because it infringes the principles of proportionality and subsidiarity. There are many other instruments than compulsory gender quotas that can be used by EU institutions to promote more gender‐balanced boards of EU companies. The potential of such measures has not been utilised yet in full.     

Democratic accountability and the changing European political order

This article is about democratic accountability and a Europe struggling to find viable answers to the questions of who and what shall constitute “Europe” and how to develop legitimate political institutions for governing it. The article is, nevertheless, first and foremost about political order and change, rules for living together, the role of democratic politics in society and the relations between political organization and civilized coexistence, and the study of the political. Modern democracies live with unresolved conflict, and accountability regimes are part of an institutional arrangement for preserving order and continuity and also for creating dynamics and change. Accountability processes take place within settled and unsettled orders, and they affect and are affected by existing orders. Without denying the importance of contending interests, power struggles, strategic behaviour, non‐cooperative games, and (re)distributional battles, attention is directed towards the search for unity, political cohesion and solidarity based upon the informed voluntary consent of the people through reflection and reasoned deliberation among individuals with different values, interests, understandings and resources.     

The myth of the new female offender: Some evidence from attitudes toward law and justice

This study compared the attitudes of male and female prisoners toward law and justice. Three distinct factors were examined: attitudes toward criminal justice personnel, attitudes concerning the sanctity of law, and attitudes regarding rationalizations for law violation and conditions justifying it. Female prisoners were found to exhibit more negative attitudes toward criminal justice system personnel but more positive attitudes toward the sanctity of the law, and they did not endorse rationalizations for law violation. The finding of females' positive attitudes toward the law is consistent with gender role socialization. The study findings indicate strong internalization of gender roles by the female prisoners. The women's negative attitudes toward criminal justice personnel may have resulted from differential expectations or from the fact that women experience incarceration differently than men. Further research is necessary to clarify this finding. The present study suggests that if there is a “new breed” of female offenders who are hostile to law and justice, they do not represent the majority of women who are incarcerated in American correctional institutions.     

Substance Use and Abused Women's Utilization of the Police

There is extensive research that addresses the role of police in responding to domestic violence calls. However, there has been relatively little attention to the factors that impel women to call the police during an incident of abuse. This paper investigates the role of alcohol and drugs in influencing women's utilization of the police for misdemeanor-level incidents of abuse, and is based on interview data from 419 abused women. Results indicate that women are significantly more likely to call the police when male partners use both alcohol and drugs, and when they are frequently drunk. Offender drunkenness, rather than the quantity or frequency of alcohol consumption, has a significant escalation effect on police utilization by victims of abuse.     

W(h)ither social work? Social work,social policy and law at an interface: Confronting the challenges and realising the potential in work with people needing care or services

Conclusion Social work asks of us all awkward questions, particularly since we are all members of the systems about which we are developing a critical knowledge base. This paper argues that social work, on the basis of a policy and political literacy, must engage in influencing higher levels of context. That is, it must engage with managers and policy makers about the objectives of welfare policy and the means by which they are to be realised — about issues of relevance to service users and to practice. This paper also suggests that other professional groups face the same awkward questions and must similarly engage in debates about the meaning of welfare, justice and rights. If social work in particular, and professional groups with which it interacts, lose the ability or willingness to question, they risk losing the empathy, values and practice skills which seek to counter the inequalities, internalised oppressions, alienation, and exclusion characteristic of contemporary social life. They risk identifying with the aggressor rather than using their position to promote an empowering difference.     

The most important things learned about violence and trauma in the past 20 years

In the past 2 decades, important insights have been gained regarding violence and trauma. Complications occur in how violence and trauma, their causes, and their effects on victims should be defined. Violence and abuse to women--physical, sexual, and emotional--are not rare events and are most often perpetrated by partners or acquaintances rather than strangers and occur in nonmarital as well as marital relationships, including same-sex relationships. A promising methodological innovation in the study of violence and trauma is the use of longitudinal designs. Innovations in treatments for victims such as evidence-based interventions have been slow to emerge; they include eye movement desensitization and reprocessing (EMDR) and the Seeking Safety group intervention for drug-abusing women with trauma histories. Future research should address increased understanding of variation in individual responses to violence and trauma, matching of treatment to different types of male offenders, better understanding of how culture affects violence perpetration and victimization, and evaluation of domestic violence interventions.     

Governance criteria for effective transboundary biodiversity conservation

Intact ecosystems across jurisdictional boundaries are of growing importance as the world continues to experience the impacts of climate change. International boundaries have, however, been drawn for political rather than ecological reasons. Ecosystem components often occur in more than one nation and are consequently subject to conflicting management and land-use practices. This research integrates the legal, institutional and environmental management components of transboundary biodiversity conservation to propose a comprehensive framework for evaluating the potential effectiveness of transboundary conservation regimes. The paper presents twelve criteria for the effective transboundary conservation of terrestrial biodiversity. These criteria can assist in the evaluation of existing initiatives and the design of future ones. The criteria will be of increasing importance as decision-makers seek to adapt to climate change and conserve biodiversity at all scales of political organization.     

Improving direct-care compensation in nursing homes: Medicaid wage pass-through adoption, 1999-2004

Because states play such a prominent role in the U.S. health care system, they have long grappled with how to best control health care costs while maintaining high quality of care. There are many policy tools available to address efficiency and quality concerns--from pure state regulation to market-oriented competition designs. Given public discourse and official party platforms, one would assume that states controlled by Democrats would be more likely to adopt regulatory reforms. This study examines whether party control, as well as other economic and political factors, is associated with adopting wage pass-through (WPT) policies, which direct a portion of Medicaid reimbursement or its increase toward nursing home staff in an effort to reduce staff turnover, thereby increasing efficiency and the quality of care provided. Contrary to expectations, results indicate that states with Republican governors were against WPT adoption only when for-profit industry pressure increased; otherwise, they were more likely to favor adoption than their Democratic counterparts. This suggests a more complex relationship between partisanship and state-level policy adoption than is typically assumed. Results also indicate that state officials reacted predictably to prevailing political and economic conditions affecting state fiscal-year decisions but required sufficient governing capacity to successfully integrate WPTs into existing reimbursement system arrangements. This suggests that WPTs represent a hybrid between comprehensive and incremental policy change.     

Arbitrary Chivalry:

The sparing use of the death penalty seemingly supports the myth of chivalrous treatment of women by the criminal justice system. It is widely believed that the few women who are executed must be "monsters" who deserve their fate. This historical study of the operation of the death penalty in Victoria, Australia, demonstrates that politics rather than law influences the sentencing outcome for women. Public, press, judges and politicians alike use chivalry as a way of proving that the death penalty successfully balances the competing aims of "justice" and "mercy." Chivalry, however, is sometimes dramatically discarded in the face of competing political pressures. Thus, chivalry towards women is inconsistent and inevitably arbitrary. Gender analysis is another useful strategy in undermining claims that the death penalty can ever be made fair.