共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
1.
Reg Whitaker 《Citizenship Studies》1998,2(3):413-434
In the 1990s doors have been closing in the Western world against refugee claimants. Although there are multiple causes for declining generosity towards refugees, arguments that refugees pose security problems to host nations have been particularly prominent. An historical analysis reveals that the so‐called ‘golden age’ of postwar refugee settlement from the 1940s to the mid‐1970s was a by‐product of Cold War security and propaganda considerations. The end of the Cold War and the pressures of refugee movements generated by Third World and former Communist bloc conflicts has restructured Western refugee discourse. Refugees now tend to be seen as importers of external political conflicts into the West. At the same time growing European and North American resentment of ‘foreigners’ competing for declining job opportunities and reduced social services have encouraged anti‐immigrant political movements. By tightening barriers and controls over refugees on security grounds, Western governments are able to respond in part to these pressures. The Cold War policing and security alliance in Europe has been retooled to form the basis of a new post‐Cold War cooperation over immigration and refugee security, without the necessity of creating a new framework of supranational institutions. 相似文献
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B. C. Chikulo 《公共行政管理与发展》1981,1(1):55-65
In 1968 administrative reforms were announced in Zambia which have been interpreted as involving a commitment to decentralization. The announcement came against a background of moves to strengthen party control over the bureaucracy, and a feature of the reforms was the reinforcement of this control. Subsequent developments have been characterized by the establishment of greater control over governmental administration in provinces and districts by party political appointees and by closer control over local party officials by party appointees from the centre. These developments have not been accompanied by decentralization within ministries, and functional ministries retain control over their field agents. 相似文献
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B. Guy Peters 《West European politics》2013,36(4):71-88
Administrative reform has been a very common activity of governments in almost all industrialised democracies, including those in Western Europe. The frequent contacts among these governments, and the presence of organisations such as the OECD that are spreading the reforms, might be expected to produce widespread diffusion of administrative innovations. That diffusion is not, however, as widespread as might have been expected and there are marked differences among countries as well as among types of reform. Using Boolean algebra, this article analyses the correlates of the diffusion of reform among European countries and the implications of that diffusion for public administration in these countries. 相似文献
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《Strategic Comments》2013,19(4):vi-viii
If faithfully implemented, the agreement reached on 14 July will put off the threat of a nuclear weapon for 15 years, and remove Iran from its economic and political isolation. 相似文献
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Austerity policies — policies of sharp reductions of a government's budget deficint involving spending cuts and tax increases — are claimed to boost support for radical political parties. We argue, counter to popular claims, that austerity measures actually reduce support for radical and niche parties. Austerity policies force traditional left-right politics to the forefront of political debate with the traditional mainstream parties having a stronger ownership over those issues. We systematically explore the impact of austerity measures on the electoral fortunes of niche parties in 16 developed countries over a 35-year period, while controlling for a number of socio-economic variables. We find that austerity policies that rely on tax increases affect radical parties on the left and the right in different ways than fiscal adjustments based on spending cuts. 相似文献
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Kempe Ronald Hope 《公共行政管理与发展》1995,15(1):41-52
In recent years, Botswana's international reputation as a nation with sound development management has been slightly tarnished and the country's government has become increasingly concerned about the declining performance of its development management machinery. This concern of the government has been translated into a series of reform measures designed to bring about rapid change. This article discusses and analyses those reform measures and their potential impact on the development management process in Botswana. It was determined that the reform measures were, for the most part, carefully crafted and are being purposefully implemented, showing the nation, once again, to be one with good governance. 相似文献
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Thomas Lee Zearley 《Housing Policy Debate》2013,23(2):239-249
Abstract A recent World Bank policy statement on housing advocates the reform of government policies, institutions, and regulations to enable housing markets to work more efficiently. The policy statement identifies several instruments that governments can use to address housing market constraints, and to improve the performance of the housing sector as a whole, while paying particular attention to the needs of the poor. In recent years, the government of Mexico has employed many of the enabling instruments described in the World Bank's housing policy statement. This article reviews the role of housing in the Mexican economy and the major reforms that the Mexican government has implemented to improve the operation of the housing market so that private lenders and home builders can play an expanded role in addressing the country's housing needs. The World Bank has supported the government's reform program, and since 1985 it has lent more than $1.2 billion to Mexico for low‐income housing projects. 相似文献
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Oskar Niedermayer 《Electoral Studies》1984,3(3):235-243
Direct elections to the European Parliament have a transnational as well as a national dimension. Up to the present, the national dimension clearly dominates, however. In the course of the 1984 election campaign, issues concerning the structure, functioning and development perspectives of the European Community's political system generally were of minor importance. The same can be stated for transnational actors and their activities. In spite of the various campaign activities of the Commission of the EC, the European Parliament with its political groups and the European party federations, the dominant part of the campaign was played by national actors. It is arguable that the 1984 election, compared to 1979, even saw an actual ‘renationalization’ of politics, a further diminution of the already modest importance of the transnational dimension. 相似文献
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MIKLÓS SEBŐK ATTILA HORVÁTH ÁGNES M. BALÁZS 《European Journal of Political Research》2019,58(2):741-768
This article investigates the impact of electoral reforms on entry barriers in political markets. The discussion starts by delineating the theoretical boundaries of various political markets, such as those for participation, parties and government. By taking a cue from industrial organisation theory, the article offers an analysis of entry barriers, both hard and soft, along with their operationalisation for empirical research. Based on this theoretical framework, a single hypothesis is investigated. It posits that the modification of the entry barriers in the market for parties leads to changes in the concentration of the popular vote for party lists. An observable implication of this relationship would be if an electoral reform that raises entry barriers led to subsequent increases in the Herfindahl index (a measure of market concentration), and vice versa. This proposition is empirically tested by a comparative analysis of a new database covering Czechia, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia. The analysis offers support for the following proposition: in most cases the changes in the entry barriers led to a corresponding change of concentration in the market for parties. 相似文献
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Proposals to alter large-scale socio-technical systems through government actions in order to promote goals such as sustainability
are highly uncertain policy projects. What is being proposed is the replacement of specific elements of existing policy ‘mixes’—the
goals and means—by others, in the expectation of avoiding counterproductive or sub-optimal policy outcomes. While laudable,
such efforts are fraught with risks; including the possibility of the creation of sub-optimal policy mixes or of failed reform
efforts with resulting poor outcomes. This article develops a model and typology of policy regime change processes and outcomes
following Thelen and others in arguing that complex policy mixes typically emerge through one or more of four processes, ‘drift’,
‘conversion’, ‘layering’ and ‘replacement’, and that the expected outcomes of these different processes in terms of their
ability to meet initial expectations are linked to the manner in which policy goals and means are (or are not) combined in
a consistent, coherent and congruent fashion. This propensity is illustrated through examination of the case of energy transition
management as practiced in the Netherlands. 相似文献
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On 1 January 2015 a new institution, the metropolitan city, took its place among the Italian territorial authorities. Despite its incorporation in the Italian Constitution since 2001, the metropolitan city become a reality only when the national government carried out a process of reform and transformation of Italian territorial government by transforming 10 large cities into metropolitan cities and depriving other intermediate governments (regions and provinces) of their fundamental competences. This article critically reviews the activation of metropolitan cities and the reshuffle of Italian territorial authorities. It stresses the way in which this reform marks the shift towards a new phase of Italian regionalism, which is dominated both by a dynamic of recentralizing intergovernmental relations and by the resulting loss for provincial and regional governments. 相似文献
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Haruna Dantaro Dlakwa 《公共行政管理与发展》1992,12(3):297-311
The main provisions of the 1988 civil service reform in Nigeria are discussed, including structural reorganization, professionalization and the enforcement of public accountability. As of the time of the reform, the following defects were associated with the civil service: undue importance accorded the generalists at the expense of the professionals; profligacy among public officers; nonchalant attitude among civil servants to their duties; and corruption. Measures taken to rectify these defects by the reform include: the adoption of a uniform structure for the civil service nationwide; the harmonization of power with responsibility; the streamlining of the span of control of officers to not more than eight units; the expansion of the powers of internal audit units complemented by an audit alarm system; the mandating of chief executives to submit progress reports on their ministry to the president; and the rationalization of promotion criteria for public officers. These provisions are little more than the rehashing of past legislations, which failed to achieve positive results, not because they were faulty in precept but because they were sacrificed to sloppy implementation. Therefore, the 1988 reform may suffer from the same fate because it was simply grafted onto the corrupt system that caused the failure of past reforms before it. 相似文献
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Gordon White 《公共行政管理与发展》1991,11(2):149-170
Chinese reformers wish through their economic programme to create a new form of developmental state in China and a new relationship between state and economy. This paper examines these issues through a study of the impact of Chinese economic reforms on the structure and behaviour of local government, focusing on urban government at the district level. It looks at three aspects of the issue—the trend towards financial decentralization, institutional changes in district administration and changes in the relationship between local government and the urban economy. It concludes (contrary to arguments which regard bureaucratic response to the reforms as one of pure inertia and obstruction) that urban local government has changed in several major ways, the most obvious being a trend towards institutional expansion and proliferation. From the point of view of the reform process, some institutional changes have been positive, others negative, resulting in a ‘dualistic’ state which contains elements of both old and new forms of developmental state. There is a need for systematic analysis of the specific future needs and evolution of China's urban government which would guide a process of politico-administrative reform comparable to the current economic reform. 相似文献
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M. Shamsul Haque 《公共行政管理与发展》2020,40(4):220-231
In recent decades, public management has been restructured worldwide for greater efficiency and innovation based on entrepreneurship-driven models such as Reinventing Governance, New Public Management, and post-NPM frameworks. The primary intent of these business-like models is instilling entrepreneurship, which would encourage risk-taking innovation, managerial autonomy, performance orientation, and customer choice. Such entrepreneurial orientation is embedded in organizational-managerial reforms related to human resource management, budgeting framework, performance benchmarking, and so on. These entrepreneurship-driven reforms have significant impacts on administrative structure, procedures, and norms affecting the process of public sector accountability. In line with such global trends, most countries in Southeast Asia have embraced some of these pro-market business-type reforms in public management to enhance its entrepreneurship, innovation, and competition, which have implications for managerial control, neutrality, regulation, and integrity required for public accountability. This article explores these entrepreneurship-driven reforms in the region and evaluates their critical implications for the long-established institutions, structures, and procedures of public accountability. 相似文献