The role of government and NGOs in slum development: the case of Dhaka City

This article addresses the situation of slums in Dhaka City in relation to government and NGO mechanisms and priorities for slum development and upgrading. It concludes with specific suggestions for better slum management in the Bangladesh capital.     

The British government and the sale of arms to the lesser European powers, 1936-39

This article considers sales of British arms in the prelude to the Second World War, during the end of last Baldwin government, and the Chamberlain government, which had political as well as commercial motivations. Particular attention is paid to the leading British arms manufacturer, Vickers-Armstrong, and sales to Portugal, Turkey, Greece, Yugoslavia, Romania, and Poland. There was often a concern that a failure to procure British arms would lead countries to turn to Germany and Italy. The interest in meeting these requests often conflicted with growing domestic defence needs for the same equipment. The conclusion is drawn that Britain ultimately failed to inspire potential allies with sufficient confidence to commit themselves to Britain.     

The British government and the sale of arms to the lesser European powers, 1936-39

For much of the nineteenth century, Canadian education-related international activities resided outside the realm of traditional diplomacy. This situation was exacerbated by Canada's colonial link with Great Britain. Obstacles that prevented educationalists from playing a more substantive role in diplomacy were local, imperial, and ecclesiastical in origin. Educational activities were also a tool in the service of governments in the era between the zenith of British Imperialism in the 1890s and the founding of the United Nations in 1945. In the post-1945 era there was greater collaboration between the federal Ministry of External Affairs and provincial ministries of education. Education also emerged in the late twentieth century as part of the new diplomacy. A flowering of new international governmental organizations dedicated to furthering creative diplomacy brought new energy to this field.     

The modern face of traditional agrarian rule: local government in Pakistan

The 1980s saw an increasing enthusiasm for decentralisation and good governance in developing countries. Citing an ethnographic study of the office of Tehsil Mayor in Kharalpur, Pakistan, it is argued that decentralisation, instead of creating opportunities for people to engage in democratic participation and empowerment through modern local government institutions, has itself been subverted by the traditional norms and rules of patronage-based personalised governance. Modernity has not influenced tradition: rather, it is the other way around. This has further strengthened the power and prestige of the rural elite.     

Governance through government networks: The G8 and international organizations

As an informal grouping without headquarters, permanent staff or legal powers, the world’s major industrialized countries must rely on other actors, in particular international organizations, to manage global problems. This article examines how the Group of Eight contributes to global governance by cooperating with international organizations in the cases of debt relief and the fight against terrorist finance. It shows that the G8 draws on international institutions with the aid of government networks and argues that this cooperation is stronger, the greater the Group’s concentration of relevant power and the more important it considers the institutions’ resources.     

Single-party government,Prime Minister psychology,and the diversionary use of force: theory and evidence from the British case

ABSTRACT

This paper develops expectations about the likelihood of diversionary conflict initiation by parliamentary democracies with single-party majoritarian (SPM) governments. While most of the literature on diversion and governmental arrangement claims that SPMs have little incentive and/or limited capacity to execute diversionary gambits, we contend that the structural and environmental impetuses for diversion in such states are in fact largely indeterminate. We posit that the psychological attributes of prime ministers under SPM – in particular, their level of distrust – is the most important predictor of how they view structural and environmental constraints, and thus of whether they will militarily divert from poor economic conditions. Distrustful prime ministers are predisposed to the use of force, will dwell on the costs of economic problems, and fear that co-partisan MPs (especially in the cabinet) have designs on their office. Thus, despite having a legislative majority, these leaders will choose diversionary conflict over economic policy fixes. We conduct a partial test of this hypothesis in the British case from 1945 to 2007, and our analyses provide robust support.     

丹尼列夫斯基的文明史理论——读《俄罗斯与欧洲》

文明史理论的研究一直是包括中国在内的国际学术界研究的热门课题之一.国内学术界一般认为,文明史理论的正式形成,当以斯宾格勒<西方的没落>的出版为标志[1].但是一些学者,如吴于廑、冯玮[2]等指出,在斯宾格勒发表<西方的没落>的50年前,俄国学者丹尼列夫斯基就已经提出了比较文明的基本理论和思想.     

The Scott report: Inquiries,parliamentary accountability and government control in Britain

The Scott inquiry (1996) into arms sales to Iraq sets the scene for important issues of how government and ministers are held to account in the United Kingdom. The article examines in detail the work of the inquiry, the procedures used, the findings of the inquiry and the aftermath. Important constitutional considerations are explained in terms of the role of public interest immunity and in the procedures for fairness at inquiries. Improvements in ministerial responsibility are considered and the value of Parliamentary accountability assessed. The role and functioning of the British civil service is also assessed. The Scott inquiry provides many lessons for democracies in the world. The report provides an important insight into the internal workings of the British government and how administrative responsibility is exercised.     

Reflections on the history of Japanese diplomacy

Japan and the Wider World: From the Mid‐Nineteenth Century to the Present, Akira Iriye. London: Longman. 1997. viii, 213pp. ISBN: 0–582–21053–4

The Clash: U.S.‐Japanese Relations Throughout History, Walter LaFeber. New York: W.W. Norton & Company. 1997. xxii, 508pp. ISBN: 0–393–03950–1

Hands Across the Sea?: U.S.‐Japan Relations, 1961–1981, Timothy P. Maga. Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Press. 1997. x, 183pp. ISBN: 0–8214–1210–8     

Reflections on the history of Japanese diplomacy

Japan and the Wider World: From the Mid-Nineteenth Century to the Present, Akira Iriye. London: Longman. 1997. viii, 213pp. ISBN: 0-582-21053-4

The Clash: U.S.-Japanese Relations Throughout History, Walter LaFeber. New York: W.W. Norton & Company. 1997. xxii, 508pp. ISBN: 0-393-03950-1

Hands Across the Sea?: U.S.-Japan Relations, 1961-1981, Timothy P. Maga. Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Press. 1997. x, 183pp. ISBN: 0-8214-1210-8     

A territorial history of the international system

This article charts the evolution of the international system from the post‐Napoleonic wars to the present, with special reference to growth in the number and configuration of states as well as changes in territorial sovereignty involving those states. Growth and change in the international system was found to occur largely in the 20th century. In that time, war plays a major role in precipitating the growth of the international system, although war is less significant in changes in territorial sovereignty. Finally, it was noted that major powers were involved in one half of the territorial changes. Implications for the future of the international system are discussed.     

从印度信息产业的发展看印度中央政府、地方政府及产业协会的互动

印度信息产业在 1990年代的发展令人瞩目。本文试图从中央政府、地方政府、产业协会互动的角度对此作出相应的诠释 ① 。某些地方政府的制度创新 (如创建软件科技园区 )因为成绩斐然而为其他地方政府仿效 ,并由中央政府加以推广 ;某些建议 (如取消全部软件进口税和软件科技园区注册为独立单位 )因有影响力的产业协会的大力游说而进入决策者的视野 ,并最终成为发展战略的一部分 ,整个行业为此受益。各方的良性互动促进了信息产业的迅猛发展 ,并促进《IT行动计划》的出台 ,该计划已成为印度信息产业进一步发展的巨大动力。     

Understanding Modi and minorities: The BJP-led NDA government in India and religious minorities

In the May 2014 general elections in India, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) emerged as the majority party. The BJP has formed a coalition with regional parties (the National Democratic Alliance), but many view the event as a “critical election,” presaging the realignment of Indian politics along Hindu nationalist values. This article reviews the approaches used to understand the BJP-led NDA government’s policies toward religious minorities and argues that far from marking a radical departure, there are more continuities than discontinuities in these policies with previous administrations.