美好社会:接续与超越小康社会的新发展目标

2020年是全面建成小康社会的收官之年。随着全面建成小康社会目标的实现,建设新的美好社会,实现由小康社会到美好社会的跨越,已然成为中国经济社会持续发展的新目标指向。小康社会与美好社会是中国经济社会发展中的两个不同但又相互连接的社会形态。从一定意义上讲,小康社会是美好社会的必要准备,美好社会是小康社会的必然趋势。美好社会的具体蓝图需要在实践中逐步展开,但基本轮廓还是清晰可见的。美好社会是富裕的社会、民主的社会、文明的社会、公正的社会、发展的社会。美好社会建设将与全面建设社会主义现代化国家统一起来,实现美好生活、美好社会、美好世界的协同发展。美好社会虽然不是完美的社会,但必定是不断发展进步的社会。“苟日新,日日新,又日新”是美好社会的常态。经由美好社会,中国社会和人类社会发展将进入一种全新的境界。     

系统哲学视野下的"和谐社会"理念

"社会和谐"表征的是社会生态系统各不同要素之间的友好相处和良性互动的状态,这种具体状态既是在人类社会系统的"和合"运动中创生的,又是人类社会系统"和合"关系的表征.人类社会系统构成要素之间的"和合",既反映了人类社会发展的价值本质,也反映着"和谐社会"的价值本质.因此,人只有在理性的价值关怀的观照下,在理想尺度与现实尺度、整体尺度与个体尺度、目的尺度与工具尺度相统一的价值实践基础之上,才能不断趋近"和谐社会"的理想诉求.     

Responsible Party Government in a World of Interdependence

This article opens up the closed model of the responsibility of a national government to its national electorate by adding constraints on its capacity to enact effective economic, national security and political policies. These constraints come from policy interdependence. The European Union exerts a denationalising influence through the Council, a multinational effect through the European Parliament, and the eurozone is designed as a transnational technocracy. Intergovernmental institutions spanning continents add further constraints. The result is a growing gap between the efforts of a national government to deliver outputs that match the preferences of voters and a reduction in the capacity of national electorates to hold accountable institutions outside their country that have a major impact on national outcomes. The conclusion considers three prospective possibilities: a growing frustration with a policy-irrelevant rotation of parties in office; institutional reform at the supranational level; and a learning process in which a recognition of the constraints of interdependence leads to a change in expectations.     

会议主持词写作应把握的几个问题

主持词是会议文件的组成部分。写好会议主持词,用好会议主持词,对开好会议,取得预期效果具有十分重要的作用。主持词是一种经常接触和使用而又常常被人们忽视的文书。只有认清意义,把握特点,掌握格式,明确要求,才能提高自身撰写会议主持词的水平,提升会议主持词的办文质量。     

论新世纪行政体制改革的目标与路径

进入新世纪，在全面建设小康社会的新形势下，我国行政体制改革的目标是建立和完善公共行政体制。公共行政体制下的政府是公共型政府、公正型政府、民主型政府、法治型政府、有限型政府、分权型政府、透明型政府、服务型政府、效能型政府和责任制政府。建立和完善公共行政体制。必须切实解决传统行政体制中的一系列深层次问题，实现政府体制转型。     

简·奥斯丁在《傲慢与偏见》中的婚姻观

英国女作家简.奥斯丁在《傲慢与偏见》中,用富有戏剧色彩的笔墨轻松幽默地讲述了几对青年男女的爱情故事并从中表达了自己对婚姻的看法。但这种婚姻观是对婚姻的误解,无论在什么时代,都是很难行得通的。     

Enhancing Delivery and Assessment: A Case Study in Module Redesign for Improved Transition Into Higher Education

Understanding student transition into higher education is an important aspect of module design, linking content, delivery, and assessment with a student’s prior educational experience and knowledge bases. However, reflections on how modules designed choices are, generally, not widely disseminated. Here, we document the reflections of a junior lecturer responsible for redesigning a Level-4 Political Systems module and analyze the intentions of change via a transition pedagogy perspective, presenting a program renewal that establishes connected curriculum as an enabling infrastructure for students to actively engage with learning. First-year experience is considered as a major impacting factor of a student’s subsequent success on a program of higher education and the diversification of student cohorts requires teaching staff to consider a wider number of intersectional factors that may impact on a student’s opportunity to succeed in their studies. With a focus on simulations and active-learning, by providing examples of the thinking behind the resultant activities and assessment realignment we hope to provide an example of how a transition approach to a first-year module can be explored.     

Constitutional Design and Government Formation: The Expected Consequences of Negative Parliamentarism

In the early 1970s the Swedish parties designed new rules for government formation. In this study it is shown that the choice of a new voting rule stemmed from a combination of goaloriented behaviour and a process of socialization. In a cross national comparison, it is also shown that there exists an empirical correlation between the Swedish type of rule and (1) a high frequency of minority governments, (2) a high frequency of small minority governments and (3) a short government formation process. From the perspective of coalition formation theory, this is a challenging finding.     

Are bureaucrats efficient? An application to the provision of AFDC

The question on how bureaucrats behave in the provision of a public service has been the subject of a considerable amount of research, most of which has been largely theoretical and inconclusive, especially on the issue of efficiency. This paper builds a bureaucratic theoretical model and provides empirical evidence by examining the workings of a government bureau, supplying a public service, namely Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC), at the state level. It builds and estimates a generalized short run cost function that allows for systematic relative price inefficiency and does not require cost minimization subject to market prices as a maintained hypothesis. The model tests cost minimization as a testable special case. The estimating procedure allows us to test for a number of other features of the technology that are of interest such as productivity growth, marginal costs, returns to scale, technical change, and factor demands.     

政府创新：社会资本视角

社会资本理论是研究政府与公民、民主与信任等之间关系的一种新范式。布迪厄从微观层面上将社会资本概括为一种资源集合;科尔曼从中观层面上将社会资本概括为一种社会结构;帕特南从宏观层面上将社会资本概括为一种价值规范。从本质上讲,政府创新是一个政府与社会互动的过程,与社会资本之间存在内在的结构性关联。社会资本是政府创新的基本变量,其中的信任因素是政府创新合法性的重要来源,支持信念因素是政府创新的基本条件,参与网络因素是政府创新的重要基础。在社会资本视角下进行政府创新的途径在于加强社会制度建设,实现传统社会资本的现代转型;支持公民参与网络建设,培育公共精神和发展基层民主;培育第三部门力量,以转变政府职能和增强政府能力。     

中国特色大国外交的传承与创新:命运共同体的视角

新中国成立70年来,中国外交经历了革命外交、经济外交、和谐世界外交到命运共同体外交等不同时期,这一过程同时也显示了从道义共同体、利益共同体、区域发展共同体到人类命运共同体的逻辑发展。党的十八大以来,中国特色大国外交全面铺开,构建人类命运共同体成为新时代中国外交的新旗帜、新任务和新目标。构建人类命运共同体既是对前几任领导人外交思想的传承和延续,更是新一代领导人奋发有为的开拓与创新:开启了大国外交新时代,开垦了全域外交新空间,开发了主场外交新形式,开辟了“一带一路”外交新平台,标志着中国外交的跨越性升华,彰显了新时代大国外交的中国特色、中国风格和中国气派。     

构建铁路客站治安防控体系刍议

本文在对当前铁路客站治安防控现状进行分析的基础上,提出了加强"五大能力、六大机制"建设这一构建科学、高效的客站治安防控体系的架构支撑,实现由事后处置为主向超前防范为主、由重治标向重治本的转变,是从更深层次和领域研究解决火车站地区治安问题的一次探索。     

Risk,politics, and development: Lessons from the UK's democracy aid

Political risks are inescapable in development. Donors keep them in check with a range of tools, but existing options provide little guidance about how political forms of risk can—or should—shape programme design. This paper presents a novel framework that offers practical guidance on how to think about and manage some of these risks. This is based on a review of programmes delivered by the Westminster Foundation for Democracy, which provides a specific type of aid: democracy assistance. Political forms of risk have a strong influence on that aid, so it provides a valuable example. Our framework centres on two trade‐offs inherent in the provision of aid for democracy support. The first relates to the type of approach employed in a programme; should it focus on a thematic issue or a specific event, or should it focus primarily on an institution and its processes? The second concerns the scope of a programme in terms of who it includes. Understanding the costs and benefits of these trade‐offs will help development practitioners to make decisions about political risks in a more rigorous and transparent way and, potentially, to shift from a culture of risk aversion, to one of informed risk‐taking.     

Nomenklatura,state monopoly,and private enterprise

Using a behavioral model of political decisionmaking, it is argued that an increasing population size and/or an increasing efficiency of production in a private enterprise economy relative to a centrally planned economy may create the conditions for a self-interested nomenklatura in a Soviet-type economy to consider a transition to a market economy. This transition may be thwarted, however, by the threat for prospective private enterpreneurs of exploitation after the change of regime. Some form of political pluralism guaranteeing sufficient political influence to private entrepreneurs appears to be required for a successful transition. The analysis shows that such a combined political and economic reform can be in the interest of the nomenklatura, thereby providing an endogenous behavioral explanation for a change of regime.     

When Doves Cry: International Rivalry, Unreciprocated Cooperation, and Leadership Turnover

Varied research traditions suggest that dovish leaders will be thrown out of office under harsh external circumstances. Below, I elaborate a model of rivalry maintenance that draws on and refines the insight from studies of leadership tenure and foreign policy. Specifically, I expect a leader who offers unreciprocated cooperation to a rival (a dove) to be more likely to be deselected from power than a leader that takes a harder line vis-à-vis the rival (a hawk). I test this expectation using event history techniques and data spanning the 1950–1990 time period and find strong evidence that dovish leaders pay an electoral price within a rivalry context. The findings suggest an internationally contingent domestic incentive to maintain rivalry and conflict over time .     

论邓小平的政府职能理论

邓小平的政府职能理论，是我国理论界尚未系统开掘的理论宝藏。本在对政府职能的涵义及其相关问题进行界定和解析的基础上，从邓小平关于政府职能的相关论述中，比较系统和深入地分析、归纳了邓小平政府职能理论的主要内容，以期为邓小平理论的研究工作作出自己的贡献。     

Central-Local Government Relations in Transition: The Case of Swedish Child Care

The provision of subsidized child care has grown to become asizeable economic activity in Sweden during recent decades.This paper examines the changed financial relation betweencentral and local governments and the impact of child-caregrants on local government behaviour. We find that during anearlier regime, with a system of matching grants, localgovernments responded strongly to the incentives of the rules.This resulted in both intended and unintended outcomes, aswell as a distortion of information to the central government.Experiences from a recent transition of regime towards a kindof closed block grant system, illustrates new types ofadaptive behaviour but also the problem of finding a formulafor a fair allocation of resources among local governments.When designing a block grant system a distinction must be madebetween expenditures and resource needs; cost expenditure datado not necessarily reflect resource needs in cases where thereare national categorical equity goals related to socialservices of a merit-want character.     

The Limits of Europeanization: Regulatory Reforms in the Spanish and Portuguese Telecommunications and Electricity Sectors

The creation of a European Union‐level regulatory regime for telecommunications and electricity was a highly successful political initiative of the European Commission. However, this article argues that the causal link between European initiatives and national policy change is weak. Building on an emerging tradition of cross‐sector research of these two sectors, and considering two most similar European countries, the article applies a series of comparisons, including a stepwise comparative analysis of two countries (one a reluctant liberalizer, the other an enthusiastic one), of two sectors (a pacesetter and a footdragger), and of two time periods (before and after the regulatory reforms). We suggest that Spain and Portugal were able to shape their sectors according to the preferences of their national policy communities and in a context of a global shift in the way countries both within Europe and outside it defined their interests.     

当代中国政策议程创建模式嬗变分析

政策议程的研究在当前学术界引起了越来越多的关注,但是已有的研究成果表明,这些理论范式较多地从即时的视阈对政策议程的创建过程进行解释,而缺少历时向度的考察与对比研究,因而只能对某一具体的社会问题如何进入政策议程进行个案式的说明,而不能归纳和概括一个特定时期政策议程创建活动的总体特征和一般规律,当然也就难以从宏观层面对不同时期的议程建构模式进行纵向比较分析。因此,推进研究的深入发展亟需将个案式的解释模型上升为一般化的分析框架,通过对不同历史时期的创建活动进行动态化的梳理和比较,实现由单一向度的分析视角向"立体化"、多维度的研究方向转变。基于这一思考,以探究政策议程创建活动的"情境转换"与"过程变迁"及其内在联系为主旨,以政策议程创建模式为分析单元,提出了体制-过程模型,并以此为工具,以改革开放以来不同历史阶段的政策议程创建活动为考察对象,通过对三种政策议程创建模式的特征、过程及其背景的比较分析,力图在探究我国三十年间政策议程创建模式演进的一般规律的基础上对体制-过程模型的应用进行说明和验证。     

The political economy linkage between trade liberalization and domestic environmental regulations

This paper considers the political economy linkage between trade liberalization and domestic environmental regulations in a duopolistic product market. We investigate the environmental consequences and welfare implications of a home country’s unilateral tariff reduction on a polluting good. In a framework where the domestic environmental tax is subject to the influence of the home firm, we find that a tariff reduction on a good producing a consumption-type externality will improve the home country’s environmental quality. Moreover, we find that the home country’s tariff reduction will unambiguously enhance the home country’s welfare; and it will damage the foreign firm’s profits and thus the foreign country’s welfare, provided that the weight that the home government attaches to its social welfare is sufficiently small. This result also suggests the possibility that a unilateral tariff reduction will achieve a Pareto improvement.