Politics and the police in Scotland: The impact of devolution

The creation of a Scottish Parliament and Scottish government in 1999, under the process of devolution within the UK, created a significantly different constitutional and political landscape from that which preceded it. The impact on domestic issues in Scotland, such as policing, has been considerable. This is partly because of new structural arrangements, including the creation of a Justice Minister and a Justice Committee of the Parliament, and partly because of the significance of the law and order agenda within Scottish politics. This paper discusses the impact of these developments on the Scottish police. Analysis focuses on the growing involvement of the Scottish Parliament and Scottish governments in key areas such as constabulary independence, police accountability and the management of police resources. Through this discussion, the paper seeks to make a contribution to the debate about the relationship between the police and politics, and the extent to which policing in Scotland is becoming increasingly politicised.     

Electoral Poachers? An Assessment of Shadowing Behaviour in the Scottish Parliament

The mixed member electoral system used for the Scottish Parliament has produced two kinds of parliamentarians – those elected to represent constituencies (constituency members) and those elected to represent regions (list members). This system has created the possibility that list members might shadow constituency members with the intention of contesting the constituency seat in the next election. One manifestation of this is where list members locate their offices. Existing research on the shadowing of constituency members by list members has focused on the opinions of samples of members. In this paper we measure the behaviour of all members to examine the question of whether, how, and why list members shadow constituency members through the location of their offices. Among a number of findings, we provide evidence that list members of the Scottish Parliament (MSPs) are significantly more likely to locate offices in most marginal constituencies, suggesting that electoral poaching is a feature of the system.     

MP Transparency,Communication Links and Social Media: A Comparative Assessment of 184 Parliamentary Websites

Parliamentary websites (PWs) can potentially enhance the quality of government by providing information and communication links that stimulate political awareness, deliberation and participation. This article focuses on two particular uses of PWs that can facilitate communication between constituents and their Members of Parliament: provision of MP contact and background information; and links to social media. Through a seminal empirical examination of all 184 functioning lower house and unicameral PWs around the world, this study found that although PWs in wealthy democracies generally provide more MP information, the majority of PWs are deficient in providing basic MP information to citizens and utilizing linkages to social media. By contrast, some non-democratic states and newly democratized countries, especially those with compulsory voting, display a relatively high level of MP transparency and social media connectivity.     

Socio-Economic Composition and Pay and Resources in Second Chambers

In conjunction with the gradual empowerment of the European Parliament, interest in its internal politics and in particular its committee system has increased considerably. While much has been learned about the influence of parliamentarians, little is known of the role of their unelected supporters. Although the literature indicates that officials are involved in the policy process, it remains open to question whether their work is fundamentally technical or of relevance to public policy. In a first step towards closing this gap in the literature, this paper explores the role of officials working in the secretariats of European Parliament committees. Although officials are involved in both secretarial and political work, their role is constrained by their position in the parliamentary hierarchy. This supports a cautious understanding of the autonomy and influence of bureaucracy in the Parliament and in the European Union's main institutions.     

Representative and Useful? An Empirical Assessment of the Representative Nature and Impact of the Scottish Youth Parliament

Youth parliaments provide a channel for young people to engage positively with the political system and benefit themselves and their communities. Using survey data of former members of the Scottish Youth Parliament (SYP), and comparing them with a variety of population data, the paper investigates whether the SYP is representative of the Scottish population, and whether engagement with the youth parliament has had an impact on members' personal and skills development, and associational activities in later life. Results suggest that former members of the youth parliament are representative of the general population and that personal and skills development has been high. In addition, an overwhelming majority of former members perceive positive impacts from their experiences. However, volunteering, although higher among former members compared with the population, is disproportionately favoured by the very same social groups that are known to volunteer more. The authors interpret this as evidence that the SYP has some way to go towards engendering volunteerism. These results are likely to be of interest to those who are either studying or engaging the younger generation in activities that sustain a healthy democratic regime.     

Party Control in a Committee-Based Legislature? The Case of the European Parliament

Does a strong committee system reduce the ability of political parties to dominate a parliament? This article seeks to answer this question in the case of the European Parliament (EP). Specifically, the article assesses the extent to which party leaders control their committee members in the EP. On the basis of interviews with Members of the European Parliament, the article analyses: (1) the extent to which EP party group leaders control committee assignment and (2) how much influence they have over the direction of committee activities, specifically through group co-ordinators. The results show that national delegation leaderships are increasingly involved in directing the committee assignment process and that group co-ordinators, in some cases, are able to control committee business in the EP.     

Private thoughts of public representatives: assisted death, voluntary euthanasia and politicians

Assisted death and voluntary euthanasia have received significant and sustained media attention in recent years. High-profile cases of people seeking assistance to end their lives have raised, at least in the popular press, debate about whether individuals should be able to seek such assistance at a time when they consider their suffering to be unbearable or their quality of life unsatisfactory. Other recent developments include a number of attempts to legislate on the issue by the minor parties in Australia and the successful enactment of legislation in a few overseas jurisdictions. However, despite all of the recent attention that has focused on assisted death and voluntary euthanasia, a discussion of the adequacy of existing laws has not made it onto the political agenda of any of the Australian State or Territory governments. This is in spite of the fact that the private views of the majority of our elected Members of Parliament may be supportive of reform. This article explores the role of politicians' views and, as a case study, considers the opinions expressed by a number of Queensland Members of Parliament. In light of the views of these politicians and those of members of the public, as well as considerations arising from current medical practice, the article argues that there is a need for open political debate on assisted death and voluntary euthanasia. The article also suggests ways that such a debate may be achieved while minimising any political impact on governments that are prepared at least to consider this issue.     

Change of Political Allegiance in Parliamentary Life

Since Confederation in Canada and until the 39th federal general election of 23 January 2006, no fewer than 246 members of the House of Commons have changed political allegiance. This number includes only those in the federal portion of Canadian public life and only those in the Lower House of Parliament. At the time of writing, there were 16 Members of the House of Commons who, at one time or another in their careers, left one political party for another. The realities of floor‐crossing and the consequences of such an admittedly risky venture in public life must be assumed to affect parliamentarians’ views about the creation of rules, whether legal, political or mixed, in respect of changes of political allegiance. Through a close examination of the Constitution Act and other Acts of Parliament this article investigates whether such rules exist in Canada. It also provides an overview of recent attempts at codification and lessons learnt from foreign jurisdictions, such as South Africa and New Zealand. The article concludes by referring to Edmund Burke’s famous Address to the Electors of Bristol and observing that the logical consequence for current Canadian political life of Burke’s thoughts may be that a Member of Parliament must be free to vote according to their conscience and therefore may only be held to account to those who elected them until the following election.     

现代政治认同机制及其建构路径

社会利益结构、价值观念的多元化及现代政治体系的开放性,决定了现代政治有着完全不同于传统政治的认同机制,决定了相对均衡的利益结构、公平竞争的社会规则、核心价值体系是现代社会最重要的政治认同机制。而培育这种认同机制必须健全利益表达机制,拓宽政治参与渠道,使多元政治主体在广泛的政治互动博弈过程中达成基本政治共识。     

Women's Representation in the Scottish Parliament and National Assembly for Wales: Party Dynamics for Achieving Critical Mass

The new Scottish Parliament and National Assembly for Wales elected in May 1999 were notable for the high levels of women's representation amongst their membership. This article examines the decisions taken by the main political parties about candidate selection and specifically the promotion of women candidates, exploring some of the inter and intra party dynamics influencing this result. The most significant changes were achieved in those parties that adopted rigid policies of positive action in favour of women. The decisions to adopt such systems were influenced by party ideology, degree of centralised leadership control and presence of women in positions of power within party elites. The environment in which such measures were considered was also highly influenced by the new electoral system and the presence of women activists in the design of the new institutions, particularly in Scotland. Together, these factors made women's representation a central feature in party competition.     

浅议政治经济化对当代中国政治的影响

在社会主义市场经济快速发展的大环境下,经济已经渗透到了政治的方方面面,而且对政治的影响也在日益增强,政治经济化已经成为当代中国政治的基本特征。为了满足日益提高的社会经济发展水平的需求,促进中国政治和政治经济化的快速发展,我们必须看到政治经济化对当代中国政治的影响,从而为提高我国整体经济实力打下坚实的基础。     

第三代政治传播及其对政治的影响

以新媒介的崛起为标志,第三代政治传播成为影响政治生活的重要力量。它颠覆了传统的权力关系,使政治生活变得更加复杂。认识和把握第三代政治传播及其基本特征,分析第三代政治传播对现代政治的影响,有利于更好地运作政治权力,促进政治发展,维护社会稳定。第三代政治传播的主要特征表现为：政治传播媒介立体化发展、政治传播深刻影响政治关系、政治传播职业化发展、政治活动营销化、政治传播互动性增强等。第三代政治传播深刻影响着政治的诸多方面,包括对政治体系的影响,对政治过程的影响,政治生活的娱乐化,使西方民主政治经历了一个螺旋式的循环过程等。     

孙中山民权主义与当代社会主义民主政治

以孙中山民权主义为旗帜,辛亥革命推动中国迈出了从传统权力社会向现代民主社会转型的第一步.今天我们对其予以重新审视,可以看到孙中山民权主义理论与实践对于当今中国政治民主的发展,不仅是重要的思想资源,而且具有强烈的现实启示:在目标上,建设现代政治文明应是一种现实追求,而不是遥远理想;在内容上,应接受国际社会具有普遍性的治理模式,对一向被视为神圣不可动摇的"议行合一制",应予以重新研究;在路径上,推进民主政治,应认同必要的政治妥协,采取和平渐进方式,而摈弃"不断革命"的激进主义.     

Representation through Participation: A Multilevel Analysis of Jury Deliberations

Fully participatory jury deliberations figure prominently in the idealized view of the American jury system, where balanced participation among diverse jurors leads to more accurate fact‐finding and instills public confidence in the legal system. However, research more than 50 years ago indicated that jury‐room interactions are shaped by social status, with upper‐class men participating more than their lower‐class and female counterparts. The effects of social status on juror participation have been examined only sporadically since then, and rarely with actual jurors. We utilize data from 2,189 criminal jurors serving on 302 juries in four jurisdictions to consider whether—and in what conditions—participation in jury deliberations differs across social groups. Our results indicate the continuing importance of social status in structuring jury‐room interactions, but also reveal some surprising patterns with respect to race and gender that depart from earlier research. We also find that contextual factors including location, case characteristics, and faction size shape the relationship between social status and participation. We conclude with a critical discussion of our results and urge other researchers to take into account contextual factors when examining how individual juror characteristics shape what happens inside the jury room.     

Movement Litigation and Unilateral Disarmament: Abortion and the Right to Die

Detractors have long criticized the use of courts to achieve social change because judicial victories tend to provoke counterproductive political backlashes. Backlash arguments typically assert or imply that if movement litigators had relied on democratic rather than judicial politics, their policy victories would have been better insulated from opposition. We argue that these accounts wrongly assume that the unilateral decision by a group of movement advocates to eschew litigation will lead to a reduced role for courts in resolving the relevant policy and political conflicts. To the contrary, such decisions will often result in a policy field with judges every bit as active, but with the legal challenges initiated and framed by the advocates' opponents. We document this claim and explore its implications for constitutional politics via a counterfactual thought experiment rooted in historical case studies of litigation involving abortion and the right to die.     

Does devolution make a difference? Legislative output and policy divergence in Scotland

Devolution provides large scope for Scotland to make its own policy. Primary legislation is one measure of this. Scottish legislation before devolution tended to replicate measures for the rest of the United Kingdom, with differences of style. Scottish legislation in the first four-year term of the Parliament shows a big increase in output. There is an autonomous sphere, in which Scotland has gone its own way without reference to the rest of the UK. In other areas, there is evidence of joint or parallel policy-making, with Scottish legislation meeting the same goals by different means. Finally there is a sphere in which Scottish legislation is essentially the same as that in England and Wales. Sewel motions have not been used to impose policy uniformity on Scotland. There is evidence that devolution has shifted influence both vertically, between the UK and Scottish levels, and horizontally, within a Scottish legislative system that has been opened up.     

Law, Politics, and Violence Against Women: A Case Study of Palestinians in Israel

Major controversies regarding the value of legal and policy reforms have accompanied research on wife battering and social reactions to it. The present study examines the utility of law enforcement and emphasizes the relationship between gender, culture, and politics. It points to the difficulties arising from the shift from private, traditional methods of dealing with violence against women to a more public approach characterized by intervention of the state and the criminal justice system. In this connection, it was hypothesized that enforcement of the Israeli Law Against Family Violence among the oppressed and discriminated Palestinian minority generates new conflicts within the group, exacerbating control and abuse and re-victimizing women. Social control agents (formal and informal) who were interviewed about their perceptions and attitudes regarding the applicability of such a law pointed to obstacles created by sociocultural variables, the political legacy and procedural barriers. An attempt is made to show that application of the law without prior preparation and understanding of its sociocultural and political ramifications may produce adverse effects at the victim's expense. That is, unless power struggles, cultural pressures, and political priorities are taken into consideration, criminal strategies that seek to eliminate abuse may prove to be dangerous.     

论中国宪法学家的使命

宪法学家的古典形象表明,学术追求与政治担当是宪法学家的双重使命。中国宪法学家的学术追求在于:发掘历史经验,拓展研究领域;洞悉历史逻辑,揭示宪政规律;立足客观实在,形成宪法共识;围绕中国问题,构建中国特色社会主义宪法学。而中国宪法学家政治担当(推进民主政治)的基本维度在于:中国国情是发展民主政治的基础,宪法思维是促进民主政治的核心,政治智慧是实现民主政治的关键。     

Franchise Extension and the British Aristocracy

Using evidence from the Second Reform Act, introduced in the United Kingdom in 1867, we analyze the impact of extending the vote to the unskilled urban population on the composition of the Cabinet and the background characteristics of Members of Parliament. Exploiting the sharp change in the electorate caused by franchise extension, we separate the effect of reform from that of underlying constituency‐level traits correlated with the voting population. Our results are broadly supportive of a claim first made by Laski (1928): there is no causal effect of the reform on the political role played by the British aristocracy.     

Ideological Congruence among European Political Parties

Do European political parties represent the ideology of their voters well? This research aims to provide an empirical appreciation of the levels to which Members of Parliament (MPs) ideologically represent their electorate within political parties in 12 European countries. The variable used is left–right self-placement and representation is measured through congruence. Three main hypotheses are tested. First, MPs express greater ideological extremism than voters. Second, MPs have biased perceptions on the positioning of their electorate. Third, New Left parties exhibit higher levels of representation than the other parties. This article's findings reveal that only the second hypothesis can be supported without restrictions.