国家认同与族群认同:以马来西亚为例

国家与族群具有不同的结构与功能,因而国家认同与族群认同的要素,特别是二者的认同基础存在较大的差异。正是这种差异决定着二者关系的基本形态。国家的公共性要求它不应该将政治政策偏向任何一个族群。族群平等是国家认同与族群认同的平衡点,否则,可能会导致政策所损害的族群对国家存在意义的质疑。马来西亚独立后,特别是20世纪70年代后,实施的正是偏向马来人的政策,从而造成非马来人对国家的不满。     

多元文化或同化：亨廷顿的族群文化观与东南亚华族

亨廷顿的文明冲突论是其族群文化观对国际政冶格局的解读。其族群文化观源于美国的族群理论中的盎格鲁一萨克逊优越论。在美国国内,亨廷顿断言多元文化将使美国分裂而反对多元文化,主张用以盎格鲁一萨克逊文化代表的美国核心文化同化其他移民族群。在国际上,亨廷顿强调不同宗教文化的难以调和性,似乎由主流文化同化其他族群才是解决“国家间和国家内部的文明冲突”的出路。正如同化理论在美国日益没落而多元文化广被认可一样,在东南亚,一个各族群可以和睦相处的多元社会的构建不但是一种理念,也能成为现实。     

中日稀有金属贸易冲突及影响

随着中国稀有金属出口政策的调整,中日稀有金属贸易冲突日趋扩大,正确分析这种冲突的本质及影响,是采取合理应对之策的前提.本文认为,稀有金属的开发和利用与各国高科技产业和国防发展紧密相连,稀有金属问题从一开始就不仅涉及资源安全问题,还涉及国家国际竞争力和国家安全等问题.因此,将中日稀有金属冲突表述为资源问题表象下的国家战略问题更接近问题的本质.     

The Kurdistan Referendum Movement: Political Opportunity Structures and National Identity

This article examines the lack of mass mobilization by Iraqi Kurds to establish an independent Kurdistan. It argues that while the outcome of an unofficial January 2005 referendum – in which 98 per cent of Kurds supported independence – was a clear expression of their will, the political opportunity structures within which the Kurdistan Referendum Movement operates are closed to the formation of a mass-based social movement. Utilizing data from a survey of Kurdish elites and activists, as well as follow-up interviews, this analysis provides insights into the future of democracy in Iraq and the value of political opportunity theory in understanding mass mobilization.     

Ethnic and Religious Roots of Regional Conflicts in the Caucasus

The main causes of ethnic conflict are territorial issues and territorial disputes. In the Caucasus, all armed ethnic confrontations were initially interstate conflicts and at times were related to religious differences.     

Invisible Borders: Economic Liberalization and National Identity

Various developments in the post–WWII global economy have led many scholars of international relations to contend that borders are eroding. My argument takes issue with this, suggesting that borders are not becoming increasingly meaningless; instead, some states are working to endow them with meaning in innovative ways. Specifically, I examine the trade disputes over culture industries during recent GATT and NAFTA talks to demonstrate that some states are shifting their attention from territorial borders to conceptual or invisible borders. Many governments support the removal of borders that serve as barriers to the movement of goods, services, capital, information, and, in some cases, people. Nevertheless, these same governments resist the increasing permeability of borders that provide the boundaries of political community.     

俄罗斯民族认同中的政治文化指向

俄罗斯民族和国家形成的过程也是俄罗斯民族认同形成的过程，东正教和专制制度分别为民族认同提供了文化和政治方面的基础。在这个过程中，俄罗斯民族的思想也逐渐成熟，以东正教和专制制度思想为特征的政治文化是其中的重要内容。俄罗斯民族正是依靠这种独特的政治文化基础，形成内部自我认同，确立外部自我形象，在众多认同标准中以此为主要指向。     

论中美之间的海权矛盾

近来中美两国在海洋领域的摩擦引起了国际社会的关注。本文认为,中美海权矛盾主要源于美国。美国基于国家安全、地缘政治和军事战略考虑,企图在海洋领域对中国进行限制,以延阻中国和平崛起。中国海洋利益的拓展则加深了中美之间在海洋领域的矛盾。中美海权矛盾有逐步深化、规模加大、从黄海向南海转移的趋势,但不至于爆发全面海上武装冲突。中国在发展海权时,应处理好与美国在海洋领域的竞争与合作关系。     

The Brest-Litovsk Moment: Self-Determination Discourse in Eastern Europe before Wilsonianism

The article argues that the historical origins of the concept of self-determination had less to do with Woodrow Wilson than with the specific circumstances during the last phase of the Great War. It argues that self-determination became the “centre of the discourse of legitimacy in international relations” as a result of a dynamic process involving multiple actors. Lenin and the Bolsheviks first started to employ the concept. Self-determination discourse gained further momentum during the Brest-Litovsk peace conference, where the Austro–German and Russian delegations debated its application at some length. This prompted Allied statesmen to crystallise their ideas and make self-determination their principal war aim. The increasing appeal of self-determination first manifested itself in the entangled spaces of Eastern Europe, where the national aspirations of Poles and Ukrainians, bolstered by the new discourse, converged with the rhetoric emanating from Brest-Litovsk to create a “Wilsonian moment” before Wilson.     

Rational Choice and Progress in the Study of Ethnic Conflict: A Review Essay

Through an analysis of eight recent books and a number of articles and papers, this article evaluates recent progress in the study of ethnic conflict, including large scale conflicts and episodic riots. Four main approaches have been applied to the study of ethnic conflict: rational choice, constructivism, essentialism, and structuralism (or realism). This evaluation of recent work includes that rational choice has been the least successful of the approaches; its focus on individuals' pursuit of (mainly) material benefits makes it difficult to recognize or to admit the explanatory power of nationalist feelings that do not depend on the prospect of material benefits. Constructivism has been the most influential approach over the past few decades but until recently has suffered from methodological weaknesses that have hindered testing. Essentialism has been out favor for as long as constructivism has been in, but recent methodological improvements have produced strong work that has resurrected this approach. Structuralism is the youngest approach; it is still immature but has already yielded important new insights. Some eclectic approaches are emerging that combine strengths of the latter three approaches; it remains to be seen whether comparable eclecticism will combine rational choice with one or more of the others.

Daniel L. Byman, Keeping the Peace: Lasting Solutions to Ethnic Conflicts (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2002).

Donald L. Horowitz, The Deadly Ethnic Riot(Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001).

Stuart J. Kaufman, Modern Hatreds: The Symbolic Politics of Ethnic War(Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2001).

Roger D. Petersen, Understanding Ethnic Violence: Fear, Hatred, and Resentment in Twentieth-Century Eastern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002).

Monica Duffy Toft, The Geography of Ethnic Violence: Identity, Interests, and the Indivisibility of Territory(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2003).

Ashutosh Varshney, Ethnic Conflict and Civic Life: Hindus and Muslims in India (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2002).

Barbara F. Walter, Committing to Peace: The Successful Settlement of Civil Wars(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001).

Steven I. Wilkinson, Votes and Violence: Electoral Competition and Ethnic Riots in India (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004).     

Russian Intervention in Ukraine: History,Identity Politics,and National Consolidation

Abstract

This paper examines the factors influencing the support for Russia’s Ukraine policy. Western sanctions imposed on Russia have crippled its economy and the general well-being of its people. However, support for Moscow’s Ukraine policy remains firm among the Russian population, who believe that the West has malevolent intentions toward Russia. The Russian elite has skillfully utilized identity politics for national consolidation and to mobilize support for its Ukraine policy by manipulating Russian history, beliefs, and worldviews. Russians see themselves as righteous people who are highly capable of dealing with difficulties and certainly as winners in the conflict with the West.     

印度民族认同与宗教认同

从婆罗门教时代直到穆斯林统治时期，印度的教派主义和教派冲突本来并不是特别严重，各宗教之间基本上也能够做到相互共存与和平竞争。随着英国占领印度并实行“分而治之”的政策，使得印度的伊斯兰教徒与印度教徒逐步走向了相互猜疑、忌恨甚至恶意攻击，并出现了最终导致巴基斯坦建国的穆斯林分离运动。在这一过程中，印度穆斯林所特有的宗教认同自始至终起到了一种枢纽性的作用。     

移民认同与民族关系初探——以亚太地区一些国家为例

本文以亚太地区的美国、澳大利亚和印尼等国为例,从文化差异与移民认同入手,探讨了移民认同与民族的关系。笔者认为,不同民族的文化因植根于不同的历史环境、经历不同的历史发展,其差异性是很明显的。正是这种文化差异,会使各移民产生不同的文化认同,从而引发种族集聚的局面,有时也会导致种族歧视或种族主义。此外,各种移民由于具有不同的文化认同,也可能会引发民族之间的摩擦或冲突。