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1.
Chiara Ruffa 《安全研究》2017,26(3):391-422
Although hundreds of thousands of soldiers from different national contingents are deployed every year in multinational peace operations, no previous study has examined differences in peacekeeping practices along national lines. This paper first documents systematically differences in the way national contingents behave during peace operations in their respective area of operation. In a second step, it argues that these differences in behavior are largely consistent with the most important traits of each army's military culture. Based on extensive fieldwork conducted between 2007 and 2014 in Lebanon and Afghanistan, the paper shows how, within each mission, Italian soldiers prioritized humanitarian activities, while the French engaged in more patrolling activities, despite being both contingents deployed under similar conditions. These variations in behavior are consistent with the way French and Italian soldiers perceive the mission and context in which they deployed. And both the differences in behavior and perception are in line with the respective armies' military cultures. This paper contributes to the debate on the role of ideational factors in international politics and in particular to the ongoing discussion on strategic and military cultures.  相似文献   

2.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(2):243-266
Is peace more likely to prevail when the peace accord includes civil society actors such as religious groups, women's organizations, and human rights groups? This is the first statistical study that explores this issue. The article develops key claims in previous research regarding the role of civil society actors and durable peace, and proposes a set of hypotheses that focus on legitimacy in this process. The hypotheses are examined by employing unique data on the inclusion of civil society actors in all peace agreements in the post–Cold War period. The statistical analysis shows that inclusion of civil society actors in the peace settlement increases the durability of peace. The results further demonstrate that peace accords with involvement from civil society actors and political parties in combination are more likely to see peace prevail. The findings also suggest that inclusion of civil society has a particularly profound effect on the prospects for overall peace in nondemocratic societies.  相似文献   

3.
This essay describes the four broad themes that emerged from our discussionabout the role of process in cross-cultural negotiations and considerstheir implications for future research. First, we address the nature of theconflict, in particular whether a negotiation is classified as a dispute or atransactional exchange. Second, we contrast the role of cognition and rapportin negotiations and consider when rapport replaces the centrality ofcognition. We also discuss the extent to which negotiating processes createrelationships based on trust or power, and consider how cultural valuesinfluence the development of these underlying relationships. Finally, weconsider the role of culture in defining what is perceived as an optimal outcomeand raise the possibility that suboptimal outcomes may holdsymbolic value in cross-cultural negotiations.  相似文献   

4.
2007年以来东北亚局势的重大变化,使签定取代1953年朝鲜半岛《停战协定》的《和平协定》时机日渐成熟。签定新协定的主体应是朝、韩、美、中四方。达成新协定的主要障碍在于实现持久和平的途径,尤其是美国的立场与政策。只有从"停战机制"转向签订《和平协定》,建立和平机制,东北亚地区的和平与稳定才能得到保障。  相似文献   

5.
Cross-cultural issues transcend the boundaries of nations and native tongues. Traditionally considered in national or religious contexts, cross-cultural issues also occur in the corporate environment, especially those environments specializing in high technology. The life sciences industry employs many different professional cultures including scientists, engineers, computer programmers and management and, due to the highly specialized needs within this industry, success is reliant on the interaction between the groups. Scientists and management in particular come from completely different cultures: the academic world (Ph.D.) and the business world (MBA). While speaking the same native language, these two cultures are separated by cultural norms and biases. Bridging the gap between these differences can be difficult but not impossible. This article explores the origins of tension between scientists and management and seeks to offer a path to more open, productive communication.  相似文献   

6.
Different strategies are used to conceptualise peace in the literature on International Relations, peace and conflict studies. These have included strategies based upon the notion that peace is geographically contained, and constructed by race, identity, ideology, or power, and has universal qualities, although it is also utopian and unlikely to be fully achieved. What has developed more recently in the relevant literature is a hybrid version of peace—the liberal peace. This is universal, attainable, and dependent upon a specific methodology. The following essay outlines the main discursive characteristics associated with peace, and with the emergence of the concept of the liberal peace. It outlines the patterns of thought prevalent in the conceptualisation of peace, and their ontological and epistemological implications in the context of the liberal peace framework.  相似文献   

7.
International Relations (IR) literature on the visual construction of the international does not systematically engage with the visualisation of peace. In this article, I make photographic discourses available to IR scholars interested in the visual construction of the international and invite IR scholars to substantialise these discourses based on their specialist knowledge on war, violence, conflict and peace. I engage with aftermath photography by challenging its almost exclusive focus on war and the legacy of violence. Furthermore, I engage with Fred Ritchin's notion of peace photography and Cynthia Weber's attempts at visualising peace. Problematising claims to universality, generalisability and causality, I emphasise that the relation between images and peace is episodic, not causal; that visions of peace, reflecting specific cultural configurations, cannot claim universal validity; and that peace photography has to move beyond aftermath photography's focus on the legacies of the past. Finally, I briefly look at the work of Joel Meyerowitz and Rineke Dijkstra, the one displaying aftermath as a beginning sustaining power, the other photographically accompanying a person's adaptation to a new, more peaceful environment.  相似文献   

8.
For the past 54 years, South Asia has been mired in tension and conflicts. The root cause of these problems is the unresolved Kashmir dispute between India and Pakistan. The United Nations, despite its Charter obligation to maintain international peace and security, has been unable to resolve this dispute. Kashmir, itself, has been turned into a nuclear flashpoint and poses a threat to international peace and security. The challenge before the international community, and especially the United States, therefore, is to become involved in resolving the dispute in accordance with the relevant Security Council resolutions and in conformity with the wishes of the Kashmiri people. India must show its good faith by eschewing hegemonic designs, abandoning bellicosity and brinkmanship, and sincerely joining Pakistan in overcoming all bilateral problems. It is time to restore peace and stability in South Asia. To achieve that, the international community, especially the United States, must play their due role.  相似文献   

9.
11月8日,巴勒斯坦民族权力机构主席阿拉法特因病在巴黎溘然长逝。这位终身致力于巴勒斯坦民族解放事业的政治强人,不但在巴勒斯坦人民心目中具有崇高的威望,也是近半个世纪在中东政坛上纵横捭阖的一代风云人物。他的去世,必将对巴勒斯坦本身、长期陷入困境的巴以和谈以及中东地区局势产生重要影响。鉴此,本期我们邀请中国现代国际关系研究院的几位专家就阿拉法特之后巴勒斯坦的内部权力整合、以色列和美国的政策走向以及中东和平前景等问题举行对谈,希望对您准确把握阿拉法特后的中东局势有所启迪。  相似文献   

10.
11.
The invasion of Iraq has been justified, ex post , as for the purpose of promoting the democratic peace. It does not, however, appear to have been a principal goal ex ante . Most democratic peace theorists, moreover, do not endorse democratic regime change by great-power external military intervention. Success is difficult to achieve (usually at high cost), and the conditions in Iraq were not promising even had the occupation been carried out more competently. Greater success in democratization has been achieved by UN peacekeeping operations, and by various regional international organizations using a variety of peaceful measures to ensure free elections, constrain authoritarian leaders, and empower democratic forces. International organizations, notably those whose membership is largely composed of democracies, are especially likely to succeed in promoting democracy.  相似文献   

12.
世界已经进入21世纪,国际形势正发生深刻和复杂的变化。人类进步的崇高事业既面临着历史性的机遇,也受到前所未有的挑战。从世界范围看,维护和平的力量在不断增长,促进发展的条件  相似文献   

13.
14.
为改变中东局势恶化和美国在阿拉伯国家受损形象,奥巴马提出综合性和平的构想和政策,即:推动巴勒斯坦建国,敦促巴、以履行和平路线图职责,改善美国同叙利亚和黎巴嫩的关系,说服沙特等中东其他国家共同参与,以实现中东永久和平。然而,巴以矛盾能否调和,阿拉伯国家能否重树对美国的信任和信心,政策构想能否得到以色列和美国内犹太人财团的认知以及伊斯兰激进派的认可,都有待观察。  相似文献   

15.
As the UN Peacebuilding Commission begins to plan it work, it is important to consider how to deal with ‘spoilers’ as a threat to security: groups that actively seek to hinder or undermine conflict settlement. This paper takes a broad approach to the concept of spoiling and considers a wide range of actors as potential spoilers: not only rebel groups and insurgents, but also diasporas, governments and other entities. The authors demonstrate that imposed or ill-conceived peace processes can sow the seeds of spoiling, but that spoiler violence does not necessarily indicate that a peace process is doomed to failure.  相似文献   

16.
16个月以来,巴勒斯坦人和以色列人遭遇到令人悲痛的暴力厄运,这厄运只能预示着更多的恐怖和流血。从而使更多的人们认为:实现和平是天方夜谭。由于不了解巴勒斯坦的立场,而认为和平是一种神话。现在是巴勒斯坦人阐明自己……  相似文献   

17.
Guang  PAN 《Asia Europe Journal》2008,6(1):119-127
This topic involves some difficulties, one of which is about the concept of “Northeast Asia”. Broadly speaking, Northeast Asia should include China, Japan, Korean Peninsula, Russia’s Far East, and Mongolia. It is obviously not possible to address complex issues in such a broad region within several pages. Therefore, this paper shall focus on the main part of Northeast Asia, i.e., China, Japan, and Korea.
PAN GuangEmail:

Dr. PAN Guang   is the Director and Professor of Shanghai Center for International Studies and Institute of European & Asian Studies at Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences, Director of SCO (Shanghai Cooperation Organization) Studies Center in Shanghai.  相似文献   

18.
自1993年巴勒斯坦和以色列签署奥斯陆协议以来,巴以和谈经过双方7年多的努力,在2000年进入了最后关键阶段。2000年7月,巴勒斯坦自治政府主席阿拉法特和以色列总理巴拉克在戴维营峰会上就最终解决耶路撒冷等问题进行了讨论,巴以虽未能最后达成和平协议,但进一步缩小了分歧。之后,阿拉法特和巴拉克的立场都有所松动,人们对巴以在年内达成和平协议寄予较大希望。然而,9月28日以色列右翼反对党领袖沙龙不顾巴方警告,强行“访问”伊斯兰圣地引发了巴以间大规模流血冲突,使巴以和谈遭到重大挫折,巴以在近期内达成和平协议的可能性终告…  相似文献   

19.
舒运国 《亚非纵横》2012,(6):1-8,59
2012年,非洲大陆虽然存在一些热点,诸如北非和西非的一些国家,但是政局整体上和平、稳定;非洲一体化进程加快进行,有力推动了非洲大陆的发展;中非关系继续向纵深发展,成为南南合作的典范。总之,“和平与发展”依然是非洲大陆发展的主旋律。  相似文献   

20.
Why do some states deploy troops to support UN missions while others do not? Although short from war, peacekeeping entails a military dimension of foreign policy in which uniformed personnel is deployed to accomplish diplomatic and political means. As such, decisions to commit troops to UN operations must have the implicit support of the armed forces in order to take place. Yet, military backing for peacekeeping participation is not universal; some military institutions are more willing to join such missions than others. This article accounts for variations in terms of peacekeeping commitments by focusing on security doctrines and the degree of integration between military and foreign policy roles. It hypothesizes that countries with externally oriented doctrines and integrated foreign and defense policies are more likely to commit troops to the UN than countries with national security doctrines and segregated military and foreign policy roles. Using evidence from the Latin American region, the paper suggests that the decision to engage in UN operations is the result of doctrinal policies and bureaucratic infighting.  相似文献   

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