全球治理中跨国倡议网络有效性的条件分析

本文旨在分析跨国倡议网络在全球治理中发挥有效性的条件。作为全球治理的一个重要层次,跨国倡议网络在提出新议程、影响国家政策、建立和传播国际规范等方面发挥了重要作用。本文借鉴社会运动的理论,提出政治机遇结构、动员结构和框定是跨国倡议网络有效性得以发挥的三个重要条件,并以小武器国际行动网络的案例对此进行了验证。     

大国外交的权威基础——中国共产党的外交领导力研究

党的十八大以来,随着中国综合国力快速上升,中国领导人也越来越强调中国特色大国外交,在国内强调维护党中央权威和集中统一领导,在国外强调做一个负责任、敢担当的国家.从理论上来说,权威是大国外交的本质和核心,与普通的国家相比,大国就意味着不仅有实力,更要有权威,在外交上得到其他国家和民众的尊重和支持.中国是一个有着大国外交基因的国家,五千年的文明古国历史沉淀了大国心态,确立了独具特色的大国外交权威基础.近代以来,随着西方世界的兴起,中国外交的权威基础遭到严重侵蚀,缺乏必要的国力支撑.新中国成立后,中国在重塑大国外交权威基础上走过了曲折发展的历程.在中国与世界关系发生历史性变化的背景下,如何成为一个有权威的大国,实现大国外交权威基础的再造,是中国特色大国外交的内在要求.     

A Diamond of Intense Brilliance in the Diadem of Brazilian Diplomacy: The 1953 Plan for Peace in Jerusalem

In 1953, the Brazilian government decided to advance a plan for the demilitarisation and internationalisation of Jerusalem within a 50-kilometre radius. After consultations, the Holy See initially perceived the Brazilian initiative as agreeable. Also approached, the United States and Britain distrusted the plan, thinking they were dealing with a Papal overture. Israel suspected the Holy See to be behind the initiative and distrusted its intentions. For a few months, rumours stirred concern in the interested parties. After confusing mutual consultations, the Holy See did not really support the initiative and finally rejected and abandoned it. The fate of Brazil’s plan is relevant to understand the stalemate about the fate of Jerusalem, divided by Israel and Jordan, in the early years of the Cold War. Washington and London had already abandoned efforts to solve the issue through the United Nations but were unable to produce an alternative. Although attached to the prospect of internationalisation, the Holy See did not entertain the possibility of negotiating the city’s future. Brazil was making its initial foray into a more universalistic foreign policy and experimenting with different possible identities—Catholic, Western, peaceful—to substantiate its interest in making a broader contribution to international politics.     

Not in Anyone's Backyard: The Emergence and Identity of a Transnational Anti-Base Network

Providing an overview of the emergence, characteristics, trajectory, and potential limitations of the transnational anti-base network, this article focuses on two broad questions relevant to transnational politics. First, what processes and mechanisms enabled local and transnational activists to form the international No Bases network? Second, how did activists juxtapose existing local anti-base identity and frames to emerging transnational ones? Following existing transnational movement theories, I argue that the global anti-base network slowly emerged through processes of diffusion and scale shift in its early stages. The onset of the Iraq War, however, injected new life into the transnational anti-base movement, eventually leading to the inaugural International Conference for the Abolition of Foreign Bases in 2007. Although loose transnational ties existed among anti-base activists prior to 2003, the U.S. war in Iraq presented anti-base activists the global frames necessary to accelerate the pace of diffusion, scale-shift, and brokerage, and hence, the consolidation of a transnational anti-base network. Paradoxically, however, even as No Bases leaders attempted to forge a new transnational identity, anti-base activists, as "rooted cosmopolitans," continued to anchor their struggle in local initiatives.     

Conflicting Identities: French Economic Diplomacy between the State and Companies in the Twentieth Century

The question of diplomatic identity has rarely seen study from a specifically historical perspective rooted in the long term. This analysis explores the role and self-perceptions of an unknown and, yet, central actor in the French economic diplomacy: the commercial counsellor. It offers new and stimulating ideas on the entangled links between State and the business sphere in France. The fundamental ambivalence of the commercial counsellor’s identity illuminates the atypical nature of French commercial diplomacy from 1918 to the 2000s. Through assimilation into the Ministry of Economy and in a Janus-like role facing both the Quai d’Orsay and French companies, French commercial counsellors have had to endure a complicated situation whilst remaining the Cinderella of the diplomatic sphere. Deploying an historical analysis to enrich the contemporary debate on the state of diplomacy, this study explores the impact of interventions by non-state actors at the heart of the diplomatic machinery. Far from being an innovation of the 1990s, this intervention was a recurring theme throughout the twentieth century, and its examination sheds new light on the persistence of the neo-corporatist practice of commercial diplomacy in France.     

文化外交在当代中俄关系中的作用

冷战结束后,和平与发展成为时代主题,文化因素对国际关系的影响日益凸显,并由此产生了一种新型外交方式——文化外交。中俄两国比邻而居,有着近四百年的交往史,文化交流更是在其中起到重要作用。随着文化外交日益受到各国政府的重视,中俄文化交流不断擦出新火花。实践证明,文化外交在巩固中俄两国高层政治关系、推动经贸合作和扩大民间交往方面有不可替代的作用。     

Trading Refugees for Land and Symbols: The Palestinian Negotiation Strategy in the Oslo Process

This article analyses the negotiation strategy of the PalestineLiberation Organization regarding the refugee issue in the failedIsraeli–Palestinian peace process from 1993 to 2001. Itis argued that the PLO was on the brink of conceding the ‘rightof return’ for the sake of territorial concessions fromIsrael. The author discusses the implications of this strategyfor the domestic legitimacy of the Palestinian leadership, asgiving up the right of return would violate a core tenet inPalestinian national mythology. The PLO negotiators tried tosolve that dilemma by, first, separating the principle of returnfrom its implementation—making it possible for the PLOto remain committed to the principle, while offering compromiseson physical return—and, second, by demanding symbolicgestures from Israel, including acknowledgment of Israel's historicresponsibility for the refugee problem. It is argued that Israel'srefusal to offer a minimum of face-saving gestures preventedthe PLO from formalizing its compromise proposal.     

Pipeline Diplomacy: The Geopolitics of the Caspian Sea Region

The Caspian Sea region is important to world energy markets because it holds large reserves of undeveloped oil and natural gas. In order to fully utilize these resources several challenges need to be addressed. These include an accurate assessment of the region's hydrocarbon resources; rivalries between regional and international powers; domestic ethnic conflicts; and lack of appropriate export routes. This study examines these four obstacles. It argues that the region could help increase world energy security by diversifying global sources of supply; however, the notion that the Caspian's oil and gas can be the panacea to long–term global energy security is misguided.     

国家形象的建设与中国公共外交——在第五届全国青年国际问题研讨会上的讲话

中国近年来开展公共外交,全面展示了我国的国家形象和发展理念,促进了中国与世界的相互了解.2011年是十二五规划开局之年,我国进入全面建设小康社会的关键时期和深化改革开放、加快转变经济发展方式的攻坚时期.年轻人以特有的活力朝气和聪明才智为国家形象的塑造出谋划策,是为国家发展做贡献的重要方式,具有深远意义.     

Widening the Protection Gap: The 'Politics of Citizenship' for Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon, 1948-2008

Lebanon has been a reluctant host to Palestinian refugees since1948. A mainstay of Lebanese policies vis-à-vis the Palestinianrefugees has been preventing their permanent integration andsettlement in the country. The question of naturalizing refugeesis one of the most contentious political issues in Lebanon today.Palestinian refugees tend to live in conflict-ridden environments,often at the margins of the host society. This first of allapplies to the camp-based refugees, who languish in dilapidatedand overcrowded camps. Unable to return to Palestine and marginalizedby the host society, they are caught in a legal limbo. In orderto understand the complex legal regime that governs their refugeestatus, it is necessary to examine their rights as refugeesin international law, regionally as hosted by Arab League statesand nationally as residents of Lebanon. The rights regime iscomplex and contributes to a critical ‘protection gap’for the refugees. This article demonstrates how this protectiongap was created and widened by historically contingent, international,regional and national legal rights regimes.     

The Promise of Transnational NGO Dialogue: The Argument and the Challenges

Over the past few decades, a vast body of literature has emerged that strives to conceptualise transnational relations between non-governmental organisations (NGOs). This article explores this debate by mapping out two theoretical approaches that can be broadly defined as an ideational and a materialist approach. Particular attention is paid to the different ways in which one can understand the mutual impact of NGOs operating domestically and transnationally. The paper argues that combining the insights from both approaches improves our understanding of NGO dialogue.     

The unlikely terrorist: women and Islamic resistance in Lebanon and the Palestinian territories

Islamic resistance groups in Lebanon and the Palestinian territories have been accused of using terrorist tactics to achieve their aims. Although some critics suggest that such groups may also have hijacked the democratic agenda in ways that disadvantage women, their supporters claim that they are promoting a model of modernity that is empowering women. This article examines the reasons why some Lebanese Shi'i and Palestinian women support the resistance against Israeli invasion and occupation that is justified in terms of religion. Far from seeing the actions of Hizbullah in Lebanon and Hamas in the Palestinian territories as acts of terrorism, many women welcome the resistance as it brings dignity and meaning to their lives and enhances feelings of national identification.     

中东民族主义：政治合法性基础与危机

中东民族主义的政治合法性主要源自4个方面首先,反帝反殖的历史使命是其基本的政治资源;其次,源自西方的现代民族主义为它提供了基本的理论基础;第三,伊斯兰教为其提供了传统文化底蕴;第四,领袖者个人魅力构成它的独特成份。然而,到70年代以后,中东民族主义的合法性危机日益显现出来,这主要表现在三个方面领袖魅力与政治制度化的矛盾;革命与国家建设的二律背反;来自伊斯兰的挑战。作者认为,尽管以强调民族国家认同为核心的国家民族主义在中东还很不成熟,但它具有长久的生命力。     

中华民族复兴的国际认同问题——对中国改革开放30年外交的回顾与思考

改革开放30年来,中国的综合国力提高,国际地位上升,影响不断扩大。而伴随中国发展必然产生的历史现象,是中国当前在国际认知与认同上面临的新问题。这些认同问题涉及政治、社会、民族精神,而核心是价值观与发展模式。要妥善应对这些问题,中国必须把软国力建设放在战略高度加以对待,以更加自信、大度、包容的姿态促进世界对中国的认知和认同。     

Commercial Diplomacy and Statecraft in the Context of Economic Reform: The Indian Experience

It is almost a decade since India began its economic reforms. Apart from the purely domestic economic objectives that the reforms were expected to achieve, there was a recognition that reform was imperative if India wanted to become an economic power of consequence within and beyond its region. This had important foreign policy implications. Official pronouncements reflected the concern that the balance of fiscal power as opposed to military power was the key factor in determining a country's international standing. This called for an integrated strategy to bring economic and foreign policies closer. The implementation of a vigorous foreign economic policy could not be undertaken without sharpening the commercial diplomatic tool. Indian foreign policy over the last decade has been grappling with this challenge. This article analyses the reorientation in Indian foreign policy, assesses the efforts undertaken so far to make commercial diplomacy viable and highlights the challenges that multi-layered diplomacy poses for a country like India.