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The following address was given by Mr. Waterfield to a jointmeeting of the Royal African Society.and the Royal Empire Societyon October 3, 1957. Mr. B. F. Macdona, vice-chairman of theCouncil of the Royal African Society, was in the chair. 相似文献
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诞生于20世纪60年代的美国新保守主义思潮如今已发展成为一场颇具规模、富有活力的思想运动,其主体是一群为数不多但相互联系密切的知识精英,他们有共同的世界观和一致的外交政策目标,构建了一整套政策实施原则,并以思想库为基地,通过掌握和影响媒体,创建政治行动团体,甚至参与政府决策等方式,大力推行自己的政策主张,对美国近年来的对外政策产生了显著影响,成为当今美国政坛上一支不容忽视的政治力量。 相似文献
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冷战结束后,德国当代部分地缘政治学者从重新研读德国传统地缘政治学文献入手,力图求证德国地缘政治学与纳粹意识形态之间存在的根本不同,探讨德国传统地缘政治逻辑方法与概念命题的当代价值,并在此基础上提出了包括放弃融入西方政策、重回中部视角、重视东方战略等在内的政策建议。冷战后德国的地缘政治思想依然是德国传统地缘政治研究方法及其多文本表述的延续,它基本没有克服德国传统地缘政治思想存在的诸多缺陷,对德国外交政策制定的影响力亦是有限与隐性的。此外,德国当代地缘政治研究在精神上与冷战后德国及欧洲的新右翼政治势力联系较为紧密。 相似文献
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Cheol Hee Park 《Asia-Pacific Review》2008,15(2):13-35
This article addresses a profoundly curious question of why Korea and Japan conflict with each other despite deepening ties and growing transactions. In contrast to the existing explanations, this article makes three analytical innovations. First, for inducing cooperation between Korea and Japan, what matters is convergence/divergence of external threat perception, not the magnitude of threat. Second, history is not a constant but a variable. Historical contentions can be escalated or deescalated depending on political situations. Third, the role of the US in managing Korea–Japan relations is important but not determinant. The style of US engagement in East Asia serves as an intervening variable for conflict management. This article suggests that frictions are highest when historical contentions are escalated and external threat perception diverges. On the other hand, cooperation potential is highest when historical contentions are deescalated and threat perception converges. 相似文献
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东盟和日本作为东亚地区体系的重要参与者,二者关系的发展与变化影响东亚未来的安全走向。冷战后,日本和东盟都奉行"综合安全"的观念,安全目标的重叠构成二者合作的基本条件。然而二者因原动力即各自利益追求不同而导致追求安全的目标以及路径也有所区隔。认知差别、权力结构和规范因素构成了限制二者合作的三个主要变量。在不同程度上三个方面的问题与二者获得综合安全的路径相互影响。而二者在多边安全合作对话平台中的摩擦与分歧恰可作为安全合作挑战的注脚。 相似文献
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Jeffrey A. Lefebvre 《中东政策》2012,19(2):117-133
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Abigail Jacobson 《British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies》2009,36(1):73-92
This article aims to contribute to the literature on World War I in Palestine while studying the experience of the inhabitants of Jerusalem during the war. By focusing on a city and its residents, this article offers an analysis of the war from a dimension and lens yet to be explored in the history of Palestine. More specifically, the article will use relief networks in order to analyze not only the ways people experienced the war, but also as a way of exposing inter-communal dynamics between the different communities living in this mixed urban center. 相似文献
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《后苏联事务》2013,29(4):424-448
Why have some post-Cold War autocrats consistently been able to sideline opposition and avoid debilitating elite defections while others have faced repeated challenges? Drawing on interviews, the media, and the academic literature, this article focuses on two sets of factors affecting the extent of incumbent control over opposition: the degree of state economic control and the extent of divisions in national identity. Two sets of most similar cases are compared: Belarus and Ukraine, and Kenya and Tanzania. These comparisons are used to highlight the importance of distinguishing between the causes of democracy and those of authoritarian breakdown. 相似文献
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Jenny Hocking 《澳大利亚政治与历史杂志》2007,53(2):223-235
Gough Whitlam's father was one of Australia's most significant public servants. Deputy Crown Solicitor and Crown Solicitor at a time of great constitutional and international change, Frederick Whitlam maintained an unusually advanced perspective on the use of international instruments to protect rights and to expand powers of nationhood. Gough Whitlam's war‐time experiences in the Air Force, in particular during the referendum campaign to expand Commonwealth Powers to aid post‐war reconstruction, cemented these aspects as central to his developing notions of democratic citizenship. In his 1973 Sir Robert Garran Memorial lecture, fourteen years after his father had delivered the inaugural oration, Gough Whitlam acknowledged the influence of his father as a “great public servant” committed to public service and the developing institutions of internationalism: “I am Australia's first Prime Minister with that particular background”. This paper explores “that particular background”. I have never wavered from my fundamental belief that until the national government became involved in great matters like schools and cities, this nation would never fulfil its real capabilities. 1 1 E.G. Whitlam, Sir Robert Garran Memorial Oration, “Australian Public Administration under a Labor Government”, Royal Australian Institute of Public Administration, 12 November 1973, < http://www.whitlam.org/collection/1973/ > accessed 31 October 2006.
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