Lies and Free Speech Values

In the short time since Seana Shiffrin published Speech Matters, ‘fake news’ and ‘alternative facts’ have become full-blown phenomena, and various forces have destabilized the line between truth and falsity. Now more than ever, Shiffrin’s project is one of urgent importance. This essay examines Chapter Four of Speech Matters, which asks the crucial question: when and how may the law regulate lies? Shiffrin concludes that the law could regulate lies much more often than it does, though sometimes it ought not to for pragmatic reasons. For all of Shiffrin’s masterful explication, there is perhaps more to say in the space between Chapter Three’s moral account of free speech and Chapter Four’s legal one. Setting existing doctrine aside, how would a society translate the moral principles of Chapter Three into a system of law? Which worries are intrinsic to free speech, and which are purely pragmatic? In other words, what does a thinker-based account of law look like?

     

Is Sincerity the First Virtue of Social Institutions? Police,Universities, and Free Speech

In the final chapter of Speech Matters, Seana Shiffrin argues that institutions have especially stringent duties to protect speech freedoms. In this article, I develop a few lines of criticism. First, I question whether Shiffrin’s framework of justified suspended contexts is appropriate for institutional settings. Second, I challenge the presumption that the knowledge-gathering function performed by police is necessarily compromised by insincere practices. Third, I criticize Shiffrin’s characterization of the university as involving a complete repudiation of enforced consensus, and I express doubts about the close connection between education and democratic legitimation that Shiffrin endorses. Finally, I raise a problem with the book’s overall argument: even if one agrees that speech freedoms are necessary for moral development, they also may be threatening to moral development. The upshot is that the protection of speech should be modulated in order to account for the potential conflicts between sincerity and other valuable ends, rather than being oriented above all to sincerity.

     

Thoughts on a Thinker-Based Approach to Freedom Of Speech

Law and Philosophy - While agreeing with Seana Shiffrin that any free speech theory must depend on assumptions about our need for free thinking, I am sceptical about her claim that her...     

Lying,Speech and Impersonal Harm

Law and Philosophy - Should the law punish the mere utterance of lies even if the listener has not been deceived? Seana Shiffrin has recently answered this question in the affirmative. She argues...     

Promising Under Duress

Law and Philosophy - In her chapter “Duress and Moral Progress”, Seana Shiffrin offers a novel perspective on coerced promises. According to the dominant view, these promises confer no...     

Lying as a Political Wrong

Law and Philosophy - In Speech Matters, Seana Shiffrin claims that certain lies should be tolerated on grounds of political inclusiveness. If political equality requires perfect compliance with...     

发挥政府的转移支付职能缩小贫富差距

贫困是世界普遍存在的问题,缩小贫富差距是各国政府都极其重视的问题,充分发挥政府转移支付的职能,是缩小贫富差距的、有效的、基本的方式之一。转型期我国的财力还有限,在这种情况下,如何实现转移支付的效用最大化,调整政府财政支出结构,减少政府投资性支出,降低行政成本,向教育科技文化、公共卫生医疗、社保、农业等领域倾斜是唯一的选择。     

Implicit Consitutional Change-Changing the Meaning of the Constitution Without Changing the Text of the Document

Constitutional change is often thought of as explicit constitutional change, i.e., as change that implies a modified wording of the constitutional document. In this paper, the possibilities of implicit constitutional change, i.e., change that is not accompanied by formally changing the constitution, are analyzed. The separation of powers a la Montesquieu is taken as a starting point and it will be argued that constitutional change can be brought about by all government branches, i.e., by the executive, the legislature, and the judiciary. If this argument is accepted it follows that the judiciary-even when endowed with the competence of judicial review-is not the ultimate arbiter in supervising constitutional change. It is the main hypothesis of this paper that the judiciary in bringing about implicit constitutional change is subject to a number of constraints among which the original document plays a rather marginal role. Instead, it is claimed that the current preferences of the other government organs as well as those of the population are more relevant in ascertaining the meaning of the constitution at a given point in time.     

司法能动的语义比较分析

司法能动在中西不同的政治文化背景和宪政体制下具有不同的含义。美国的司法能动主义,是一种开放性的司法哲学,法官热衷于解释宪法、打破规则和在法律之外司法能动;中国的司法能动则是一种奉行严格规则主义的法律之内的能动。     

论医药购销领域商业贿赂犯罪的刑法规制

近年来，医药购销领域商业贿赂犯罪形势愈发严峻，给整个社会带来了极大危害，急需刑法的有效惩治。但由于我国现行刑法中有关商业贿赂犯罪的法律规定存在着一定的缺失，一定程度上影响了医药购销领域商业贿赂犯罪的刑法规制效果。为此，我们有必要对商业贿赂犯罪的刑事立法缺陷进行相应的完善，以期增强运用刑法打击医药购销领域商业贿赂犯罪的威慑力。     

Defining the Job of the Member of the Knesset

In Israel, as in other democracies, there is no comprehensive definition of the job of its parliamentarians. This article explores the refusal to provide a comprehensive definition of the job, and the reasons why such a definition ought to be considered, both in Israel and elsewhere, even if the chances of doing so are slim. With regard to Israel, the main reason why a definition of the job of Knesset members (MKs) is required is related first and foremost to three provisions of the Knesset Members’ Immunity, Rights and Duties Law of 1951. The issue of remuneration for MKs and the problem of mistrust in the Knesset are additional reasons. The article explores those elements of the job that have nevertheless been defined in Israel in a piecemeal fashion – both in terms of what the job excludes and what it includes. Some of these partial definitions appear in laws, the Knesset Rules of Procedure, and the Rules of Ethics for Members of the Knesset. However, the most significant definitions have been provided within the framework of verdicts of the High Court of Justice, which has on occasion been called upon to deal with various issues connected with MKs’ rights and immunities.     

The use of the laser for determining the direction of the shots and the position of the victim's body in gunshot wounds

In this article a practical case is described when gunshot directions and position of a victim's body at the moment of each shot were determined by natural simulation using an LG-78 laser (made in the form of a gun).     

被害性与被害预防

被害预防是犯罪预防的重要一环,被害预防应该从被害性分析着手。被害性即指人身上所存在的足以导致犯罪侵害的一切特性,它与犯罪心理紧密相关。从犯罪人犯罪前的心理状态分析,犯罪人选择作案对象有一定规律,这种规律决定了被害性。被害人就其有无过错可分为两类,不同的类型具有不同的被害性,被害预防应从一般预防和特殊预防进行。     

从“党性原则”到“三贴近原则”——论中国党报理论的发展与党报改革

"党性原则"是中国共产党党报理论的核心.中国共产党党报理论萌芽于党的初创阶段,成形于延安整风时期.建国后,随着计划经济年代向市场经济年代的转型,党报理论也开始进入了一个发展、充实的阶段,三贴近原则正是在这种条件下提出的.该原则是在市场经济条件下,党报理论对新闻规律、市场规律的一种适从,一种理性的调适.     

构建和谐物业小区的理论和制度前提

物业小区,是住宅市场化私人购买后新出现的一个要素和形态较为完备的新型社区,其内部的各种组织之间呈现复杂多样的关系。当前,多数物业小区内部的各组织之间处于功能离散、结构失调状态,导致物业纠纷日渐凸现。本文从物业小区各类组织的功能视角,分析彼此的关系,探索整合各类组织功能的理论和制度前提。     

期待可能性理论超规范化的反思——以学说、判例史的考察为中心

从大陆法系的学说、判例史上考察,期待可能性作为超法规的责任阻却事由,在德国无论在理论上还是在实务中,都遭到了彻底的否定;在日本,虽然理论的通说肯定这一观念,但是在实务上采取了极为保留的态度.因此,考虑到这一观念对应的时代和社会的非常态性,以及该观念同罪刑法定原则之间的冲突,这一理论不应作为超法规的责任阻却事由,但这不妨碍其作为超法规的量刑事由.     

率实施青少年治安战略工程

青少年犯罪问题是历史性的顽症.迫切需要构建预防青少年犯罪的战略工程.即提上战略地位,提出战略对策,统一战略思路,落实战略措施.当前的问题是在许多有关部门未能摆上实际的战略地位;对这方面的研究也相当薄弱.预防青少年犯罪要突出德育.在影响青少年犯罪的意识因素中最重要的是伦理道德.我国虽对道德高度重视,但是落实上有很大差距.预防青少年犯罪要将司法对策与社会对策相结合,将对未成年人的"保护"与"预防犯罪"相结合,实现系统工程化.建立整体性领导与执行机构;统一指导意识;依靠多元动力;强化反馈控制机制.     

流动人口治安管理体制改革的思路

流动人口治安问题对公安机关原有的管理体制带来了猛烈撞击,改革流动人口治安管理体制,建立一套现代、科学、合乎流动人口发展规律的管理和控制机制,引导流动人口合理、有序流动,是完善社会主义市场经济体制的重要内容,也是流动人口管理工作中亟待解决的首要问题.     

对未成年人犯罪寓罚于教的理论探讨

当前我国正处于社会转型期,存在多种诱发未成年人违法犯罪的不良因素,而未成年人正处于身体和智力的发展时期,他们什么都想知道,什么都想学,什么都想亲自去做,但由于他们的社会知识和生活经验所限,他们的认识能力具有很大的片面性和表面性,容易养成不良品质和恶习劣迹,最终导致违法犯罪。对于未成年人犯罪问题,考虑到对他们未来的发展,为了让他们既能改过自新又能健康成长,在对他们进行惩罚的同时,更重要的是对他们进行教育、启发、感化以教育为主,处罚为辅的政策,这就是所谓寓罚于教。在管理过程中始终贯穿教育、感化、挽救的精神,从而达到治其心、治其本的目的。     

论民法上土地与建筑物的关系——以一元推定主义为中心的理论探索

对于民法上土地与建筑物的关系问题,学术界长期以来众说纷纭。但通过一种形而下的还原性考察可以发现,罗马法及近现代范式民法其实既未采取绝对的一元主义,也不是纯粹的二元主义,而是以一元推定主义为共性,英美法亦不例外。我国立法尚有必要进一步契合一元推定主义的法理,妥善安排土地权利与建筑物权利的得丧变更,以保障秩序、自由、平等和效益等多元价值目标的协调。