国外东盟研究:方法与观点

20世纪 90年代 ,自由主义和建构主义对东南亚国际关系研究中现实主义的垄断地位提出了挑战 ,并形成了建构主义与现实主义齐头并进之势。由于分析问题的基本假设不同 ,各学派在对如何认识东盟成员之间的长期和平、东盟合作的性质、 80年代以后东盟一些新的发展动向等问题上提出了不同的观点。     

区域治理视域下的东盟环境问题

环境问题是区域治理的重要组成部分.20世纪80年代以来,环境问题已成为影响东盟社会经济可持续发展的重要因素之一,平衡经济增长与环境的可持续性成为东盟必须认真考虑解决的问题.为应对日益恶化的环境问题,东盟建立了不少合作机制,签署了若干宣言、倡议和协定,并积极与域外国家和环境组织开展合作,然而治理成效还是有限.从东盟存在的环境问题、合作机制和面临的挑战来看,制约东盟环境治理成效的因素,既有东盟层面的,也有东盟成员国层面的.东盟的环境治理尚未摆脱以国家为核心的传统治理模式,区域间缺乏有效的协调与合作,导致治理成效不佳.其中,"东盟方式"是最大的障碍,如何突破"不干涉成员国内政"这一原则的限制,将是东盟环境合作能否取得成效的关键.东盟治理能力的缺陷和缺乏有效的危机应急管理机制、区域意识淡薄、区域合作治理意志与决心不强、集体行动迟缓,说明东盟仍只是一个松散的国家集团.因此,如何协调政治—安全、经济、社会一文化三大支柱之间的关系,实现经济与环境的可持续发展,东盟还有很长的路要走.     

东盟的文化特征意识 --东盟意识与东盟的发展(Ⅰ)

东盟的文化特征意识是东盟意识的一个重要组成部分,它集中体现为东盟的组织特点和决策风格,即"东盟方式".东盟方式强调组织方式和决策的非正式性、非对抗性和协商一致精神,这种意识来源于印尼爪哇农村的决策传统,成型于东盟成员国之间的行为互动,强化于东盟对柬埔寨问题的不懈努力.     

东盟的国际社会性——一个尝试性的分析

国际社会的内涵在于共同利益、共同观念、共同规则和共同制度.就东盟来说,共同利益多来自外部的刺激和威胁,内部共生利益较少;共同观念主要是行为方式和决策方式的趋同,没有形成真正深入普通民众心中的地区认同意识;共同规则是被东盟各成员国高度认同的,但正受到东盟内外的挑战;由于惩罚性制度缺失,诱导性制度功能不足,东盟的共同制度远不能应付地区危机和国际政治转型的要求.总的来说,东盟的国际社会性是微弱的.     

试论东盟对东亚共同体形成所起的作用

近十余年来,由于受到全球化大潮的冲击,在东亚也出现了地域化思潮。面对同样的挑战,东亚各国已经意识到采取共同的经济文化防卫机制的迫切性与重要性。其中,东盟各国表现出了强烈的主体性与话语意识。本文力图从经济、贸易的角度分析东亚地域所产生的地域化、本土化趋势的实质,确证东盟各国对东亚共同体形成所产生的作用。     

化解危机:东盟民族冲突与预防性外交

民族冲突长期困扰着东盟国家,对地区安全构成重大挑战。如何借助预防性外交化解民族冲突危机,已成为东盟维护本地区安全的重要议题。20世纪90年代,东盟接受加利所倡导的预防性外交概念,开始着手东盟预防性外交的规范建设与实践,并取得了积极成效。然而,东盟目前所发展的预防性外交,其作用仅限于应对国家间争端与冲突,难以触及东盟国家内部的民族冲突问题。客观上,东盟各国需要通过预防性外交化解民族冲突危机,否则东盟在民族冲突面前将难以有所作为。但关键问题是怎样使预防性外交在化解东盟民族冲突中行之有效。完善预防性外交的决策与执行机制,寻找本土化解决办法,将是东盟提高其预防性外交行动能力、有效应对民族冲突的重要途径。     

论东南亚区域主义的兴起与东盟意识的增强

本文阐述了东南亚区域主义的兴起与区域主义意识的发展,指出东盟历经30余年的不断整合与协调,已逐渐培育了一种区域合作的"东盟意识",形成一种兼顾彼此利益的风尚.不断增强东盟意识是21世纪东盟的成功之路.     

冲突管理的东盟方式

如何有效预防和解决国家间冲突,维护地区及全球的和平与稳定,这一直是战后国际社会和区域主义实施冲突管理的基点与诉求。东盟根据联合国宪章、万隆会议精神和其他国际法基本准则,结合东南亚国家的冲突管理实践,制定和实施了一套被誉为能够体现东盟方式基本特性的冲突管理模式。本文主要考察了国际冲突管理的理论分析框架,东盟冲突管理的基本原则、冲突类型及其管理方法以及后冷战时代东盟冲突管理所面临的挑战。     

东盟不干涉内政原则:过去和未来

东盟成立以来 ,不干涉内政原则一直是东盟的基本准则。但随着全球化影响力的进一步扩大 ,东南亚金融危机的爆发 ,印尼森林大火的发生等 ,这项原则受到了重大挑战 ,东盟内部要求对它进行改革的呼声不断 ,西方大国也在这个问题上对东盟施加压力。最终 ,东盟决定仍维持不干涉内政原则 ,但在一些影响力超出国界的问题上 ,采取“增进相互影响”的方针 ,以维护和促进东盟的共同利益     

文化认同与东盟合作

文化认同是东盟合作的基础.所谓文化主要是指价值观.在国际关系中,这种价值观具体表现为国家应该如何追求安全与财富.东盟国家的文化认同具体表现为对东盟方式的认同,这体现为三个方面:即不干涉内政原则、协商一致原则和组织机构的非正式性原则三个方面.东盟国家之所以会有这种认同,主要是由其所处的安全环境所决定的.这种文化认同是东盟取得重要成就的关键,但在今天却面临着挑战.     

Advancing Community Building for ASEAN

East Asia - This is a policy paper supporting the vision of ASEAN leaders in the project of ASEAN Community building. However, it goes beyond their declarations to argue for a more thorough going...     

ASEAN in a Globalizing World

In the early 1990s, ASEAN emerged from the Cold War as a confident regional organization. With the accession of Cambodia, it seemed to be fulfilling the aspirations of its founding fathers to expand membership to include all ten Southeast Asian countries. Since the Asian financial crisis of 1997, however, ASEAN's self-confidence has been dealt a severe blow and it faces unprecedented challenges to its current status and future prospects. In the following article, former Indonesian Foreign Minister Ali Alatas, examines the various issues facing ASEAN today, including the impact of the Asian crisis; the ramifications of socioeconomic and political crises in the affected ASEAN countries; the implications of the rapid and fundamental changes in the international and regional economic, political and security environment; and the enlargement of ASEAN membership. Despite questions over ASEAN's future role, Alatas asserts his belief in the continuing relevance of this regional forum to contribute to regional stability.     

试析新加坡的东盟观及其成因

本文试图从新加坡的外交文献及有关新加坡领导人发表的讲话和外交行为等方面探析新加坡的东盟观,即新加坡视东盟为其生存与独立的保障与发展的平台.同时,结合新加坡独特的情况,从历史和现实等多角度分析其东盟观形成的原因.     

ASEAN at 40: Prospects for Community Building in Southeast Asia

In 2007, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations attempted to celebrate its 40^th founding anniversary with a bang as it was about to set another milestone, which is the signing of the ASEAN Charter. However, the celebration was overshadowed by the political crisis in Myanmar following the military's crackdown on protesting monks and their democratic supporters. The inability of ASEAN to influence events in that country became the focus of public attention in the region and the international community. Even the much-vaunted milestone of finally having an ASEAN Charter was a major disappointment for many in Southeast Asia as the final document signed by ASEAN leaders was everything but bold, forward-looking, and transformative. It became an object of criticism mainly by some think tanks and civil society groups in the region because it paled in comparison to the recommendations of the Eminent Persons Group that drafted the blueprint of what the ASEAN Charter should look like.

This article describes the major milestones and turning points of ASEAN's regionalism project over the last forty years. It also attempts to identify the major issues and challenges to ASEAN's community building efforts in the future. The main argument of this article is that ASEAN's continuing relevance to the people of the region can be ensured only if it seriously opens up to greater participatory regionalism. Only then can ASEAN be transformed into a truly people-centered organization.     

ASEAN Beyond 40

The vitality of ASEAN derives from its core. Until the mid 1990s, Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore and Thailand provided the dynamism of ASEAN and their national leaders the regional leadership so necessary for the Association??s existence. Entering its fifth decade, the Association seems posited at a ??mid-life crisis??. The ASEAN Charter has proposed bold ideas in community-building. Yet the ??loss?? of a strong leadership impetus has cast a shadow of uncertainty over the extent to which ASEAN may reduce the gap between the richer and poorer nations of Southeast Asia. The extant two-tiered nature of ASEAN is problematic to its cohesion as each with its defining set of characteristics and views of regionalism. Can the more structured approach make up the leadership deficit and enable ASEAN to reconcile the division in its quest for regional unity? The prolonged Myanmar embarrassment seems to suggest an unconfident ??yes?? at best.     

"东盟方式":现实与神话

对"东盟方式"的赞誉和批评都有着一定的历史背景,因此"东盟方式"也有其一定的现实性与神话性.前东盟秘书长舒云路所强调的法制以及著名学者阿查亚的"本土化"概念都为观察东南亚地区合作的发展提供了有益的新视角,作者主张使用历史和动态的眼光看待和评价"东盟方式".     

东盟的地理整体与利益整体意识--东盟意识与东盟的发展(Ⅱ)

东盟从其成立之初就具有一种强烈的地理整体意识和利益整体意识.正是由于其具有强烈的地理整体意识,东盟才能够克服内部的分歧和排除外部的各种阻力,吸收越南、缅甸、老挝和柬埔寨加入东盟,使其成为一个包括所有东南亚国家的国际组织.正是由于其具有强烈的利益整体意识,东盟才能够争取到其单个成员所无法得到的利益,而且在面对西方大国的压力时,能够采取一种强硬的立场,很好地维护其成员或准成员的利益和尊严.     

Moving Towards an ASEAN Economic Community

Why are the ASEAN economies increasingly becoming anxious about regional integration? To stay competitive is an obvious answer. Greater cohesion is also imperative for ASEAN to sustain its credibility of being able to provide the platform for interactions in East Asia and the rest of the world. Yet what is offered by the ASEAN Free Trade Area, the ASEAN Framework Agreement on Services, and the ASEAN Investment Area may not be adequate or comprehensive enough for the Association to amass the economic clout commensurate with its position as a pivotal player in East Asia. The ASEAN Economic Community is thus the logical, but not automatic, extension of these regional efforts. Can it come to fruition? This paper discusses how the ASEAN economies may address key issues that have hampered deeper economic integration in the region.     

浅析东盟的“人的安全”理念

"人的安全"是一种将人视作安全主体的全新安全理念。亚洲金融危机后,东盟开始接受"人的安全"的基本理念。东盟试图从广义上来理解"人的安全"并突出其"免于匮乏的自由"的一面,在国家安全与"人的安全"的关系方面东盟强调两者的互补性,在"与人权相关的干涉"等问题上则固守其传统的"东盟方式"。东盟之所以能够接受"人的安全"的基本理念,主要是因为冷战后地区安全环境的转变、地区已有"综合安全"观的积淀、非政府组织的推动等多种因素的共同作用。