2011年新加坡:政治、经济与外交

2011年,新加坡顺利举行国会大选和总统大选,完成新老领导班子交接,但是大选结果也凸显了民众对政府的不满,赢回民心是新一届政府的首要任务。在经济方面,新加坡经济增长步伐整体放缓,政府逐步出台系列措施进行经济重整,给长期依赖外来劳动力的行业带来阵痛。在外交上,新加坡继续加强与周边国家的良好关系,加深与中美的双边经贸、安全防务等领域的合作,积极推动中美在亚洲地区良性合作的关系。最后,本文对2011年境内外出版的关于新加坡的中文学术研究成果进行简要回顾与介绍。     

新加坡2010年经济、政治、外交形势回顾与展望

本文对2010年新加坡国内经济、政治和外交做简单回顾。2010年,在全球经济复苏的良好环境下,新加坡的经济增长创其建国以来历史新高,是全球经济增长最快的国家;政治上,新加坡政府推出一系列措施确保社会稳定,为即将来临的总统和国会大选做好充足准备;在外交上,与马来西亚的关系得到新突破,与中国合作关系向多元发展。此外,本文还对2010年中国国内有关新加坡的学术研究成果进行简单介绍。     

新加坡经济的波动与重组

近年来,新加坡经济出现急剧波动.究其原因,主要是在经济全球化下受到主要发达国家经济周期波动的冲击和金融危机后国内经济转型与结构调整的影响.从中长期看,新加坡经济增长速度将放缓而波动将加剧.     

新加坡加强发展对华经济的动因分析

近年来,由于世界经济形势发生了新变化,美、日、欧等主要发达国家的经济增速放缓,使得新加坡的经济 发展面临着严峻的挑战。而中国经济在全球经济普遍不景气的情况下,继续保持良好的增长势头。为了赶搭中国经济发展 的顺风车,新加坡政府推出“中国战略”,希望通过进一步加强同中国的经贸关系,来重振国内经济。     

新加坡政治、经济和对外关系近况

新加坡政治、经济和对外关系近况华言吴作栋自１９９０年接班已有５年的时间，最近，新加坡又即将举行一次新的大选，今后，新加坡的政治和对外政策的走势如何，本文试对这些问题进行分析，并对发展中新两国关系提出一些建议。一、政治稳定，接班人问题已经解决（一）吴作...     

新加坡人民行动党连续六度执政

人民行动党在历次大选中的胜利新加坡是共和国,国家元首为总统,由议会选举产生,任期四年。新加坡议会采用一院制,原名立法议会,后改为国会。现有七十五个议席。议员任期五年,由议员选举产生内阁,组成新加坡政府。国家实权掌握在总理手中。现将新加坡人民行动党在历届大选中获得席位情况介绍如下:     

新加坡对印尼的外交政策

新加坡对印尼外交政策的基本内容是同印尼建立和发展睦邻友好关系,在政治、经济、安全等方面与印尼建立和发展双边合作.这一政策改善和发展了双边关系;有利于维护新加坡的生存与安全;促进了新加坡经济和社会的发展;推动了东南亚地区的和平与合作、稳定与发展.     

英国大选中的经济因素

<正>在1992年美国总统竞选期间,克林顿的助手詹姆斯·卡维勒(James Carville)认为,克林顿取胜的"法宝"有三个,其中之一就是攻击其对手乔治·布什的经济业绩。卡维勒的原话是:"经济决定胜负"。克林顿取胜后,"经济决定胜负"成为世界各国总统候选人的"圭臬"和"座右铭",也是分析各国大选胜负原因的重要视角之一。(一)卡梅伦政府的经济业绩在2015年英国大选期间,各党都发表了竞选纲领。保守党推出的竞选纲领除宣传卡梅伦政府的经济业绩以外,还提出要继续刺激经济复苏、创造更多的就业机会、改     

中俄加强经贸合作问题分析

进入1995年以来,俄罗斯经济仍然没有制敛滑坡的颓势,政府采取的“适度强硬”的政策也未收到刺激生产恢复和发展的效果;再加上国内政治势力在重新组合中日益多极化,大选序幕渐开的党派之争和飘忽不定的政局前景,使得俄罗斯领导人倍受困扰。在这种情况下,俄罗斯领导人—从总统到总理,都力图在外交方面多做出一些成绩来,以便在大选来临之际向广大公民好作交待,并且使自己在政治上立于主动的地位。于是,他们把希望的目光投到了全面加强中俄合作关系上来,尤其是注重两国立足现实、面向未来拓展经贸合作领域,在     

新加坡经济衰退对劳工市场的影响及政府的对策

东亚经济危机的持续，使新加坡的经济也陷入衰退的境地。经济的衰退对新加坡的劳工市场产生了很大冲击，失业人数剧增。为了解决失业问题，提高劳动生产力，使新加坡的经济走出低谷，新加坡政府采取了一系列措施。本文将对上述有关情况加以介绍。一、新加坡经济的衰退１９９８年初，新加坡的经济就显露出衰退的迹象。第二、三季度，经济衰退日趋严重。国内生产总值增长速度减慢，各行业普遍不景气。请看表一和表二：表一　按１９９０年市场价格国内生产总值百分比的变化１９９７年１９９８年第三季度第四季度年均第一季度第二季度第三季度与…     

Locating Kaliningrad And KÖNigsberg In Russian And German Collective Identity Discourses And Political Symbolism In The 750Th Anniversary Celebrations Of 2005

This article begins by briefly exploring issues of conflict and control in relation to the 750th anniversary of the city of Kaliningrad/Königsberg. An analysis of the tensions between Russian regional (Kaliningrad) and national (federal) identity discourses on the political symbolism of the 750th anniversary commemoration is offered, using Russian media reports and interviews conducted in Kaliningrad. German narratives on the political symbolism of the anniversary events and their implications for German national identity discourses are investigated via interviews conducted in Kaliningrad and Germany, German media reports, books, films and a theater production about Königsberg. Particular attention is given to the impact of the German expellee organizations on framing the discourse about Königsberg in contemporary Germany. The article will conclude by comparing and contrasting the various discourses and interpretations of the anniversary in the Kaliningrad region, Russia and Germany.     

CONSTITUTIONAL ISSUES AND THE TREATMENT OF PAKISTAN’S RELIGIOUS MINORITIES

Although Pakistan was created as a homeland for South Asia's Muslims, religious freedom was one of its founding principles. Seventy years later, Pakistan is better known for religious extremism and the persecution of Muslim and non-Muslim religious minorities. Pakistan's blasphemy law is a state-sanctioned tool of religious oppression used to target members of minority faith communities whether Ahmadiya, Christian, Hindu, or Shiite, as well as Sunnis who criticize the law. This paper discusses the blasphemy law and other laws that have led to the state of religious oppression in Pakistan.     

The FBI's Role in Expelling Germans from Ecuador During the 1940s

The expulsion from Latin America of immigrants from axis countries and their descendants is an important but little‐studied episode of the Second World War. The role of the US, and in particular that of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), in their removal has largely disappeared from historical memory. This article examines how the FBI advanced US commercial interests, and in the process harmed vulnerable people who were subject to these expulsions.     

'Adorned with the Mix of Faith and Profanity that Intoxicates the People': The Festival of the Senhor do Bonfim in Salvador, Bahia, Brazil, 1930–19541

This essay looks at a formative period in the history of the festival of the Senhor do Bonfim, one of Salvador's most important religious festivals. The essay focuses on the public ritual washing of the Church of Bonfim and the tensions between the Catholic Church, who periodically banned the washing from the larger festival, and a variety of historical actors including politicians, journalists, authors and working-class Salvadorans whose efforts eventually contributed to the lifting of the prohibition once and for all in 1953. The author suggests that the defence of the washing both reflected and contributed to a larger hegemonic process taking place in Salvador after 1930, as actors within Salvador's dominant class accepted and even praised Afro-Bahian cultural practices, including them as integral parts of a larger Bahian identity.     

The Health of the Rurality: The Encuesta de Folklore and Popular Healing Practices in Tucumán, 1921

This article examines healing practices among the rural inhabitants of Tucumán in the opening quarter of the twentieth century through a reading of the 1921 National Folklore Survey. It argues that popular medical practices, referred to as curanderismos (popular healing), continued into the twentieth century not only as cultural practice of the popular classes but as necessity due to limited investments in public health in the rural regions on the part of the national and provincial government.     

'Brazil Needs to Change': Change as Iteration and the Iteration of Change in Brazil's 2002 Presidential Election1

Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva's triumph in Brazil's 2002 presidential election was construed in terms of a promise of radical change against the holders of the status quo . This article argues that in fact a more subtle political game was a stake in the election, a contest over the meaning and limits of change itself. The article examines how the various players – Lula da Silva, outgoing president Fernando Henrique Cardoso and the PSDB's presidential candidate José Serra – invoked and iterated a discourse of change to define and redefine the political dividing lines that marked out the electoral dispute and attempted to set or fix the distinctions between their political positions.