冷战后德国对东南亚地区的公共外交探析

两德统一后,鉴于自身实力进一步增强,德国开始在亚太地区加大外交战略部署和投入。为使国家利益最大化,德国在亚洲各国大力经营公共外交战略,特别是在冷战后经济高速增长、地缘政治地位凸显的东南亚国家。德国积极开展与东南亚的公共外交首先是出于自身经济利益的考虑,其次是想通过插手东南亚事务提升国际话语权与制衡中国影响力。德国对东南亚地区的公共外交主要表现为以下几个特点:通过履行企业社会责任传播企业文化;通过国际教育合作培养亲德人才;通过落实对外援助措施彰显大国担当。德国对东南亚开展公共外交势必对中国产生影响:加剧东南亚地区形势的复杂性;增大"一带一路"倡议推进的压力,且有可能损害中国与东南亚国家之间的战略互信。对此,中国需要借鉴德国经验,加强在东南亚的软实力建设,并注意谋划与德国有共同利益的外交活动,促进中德间的良性互动以及在东南亚各国更深层次的合作。     

东南亚国家经济外交的策略研究

一般认为,小国在外交领域很难有大的作为,所谓"弱国无外交"就是这一思维定式的简单表述。不过,在观察当代国际事务时,我们经常可以看到小国凭借其在自然资源、地理位置以及联合成立组织等方面的优势发挥其外交能量。通过巧妙利用大国对地区主导权的竞争,小国不但可以从中收获经济利益,而且还能实现一定的政治、安全利益。本文通过分析东南亚各国在多边国际组织、自由贸易协议、次区域合作等实践领域中的经济外交行为,总结了其中的经济外交策略及其启示。     

英国东南亚特派员与粮食供应(1946-1948)

太平洋战争结束后,重返东南亚的英国试图全面重建战前的殖民统治.鉴于战后东南亚地区普遍的粮食危机已导致一定的社会、政治危机和外交困境,英国政府派遣凯勒恩勋爵为东南亚特派员主管东南亚地区的粮食供应并促进东南亚区域经济合作.自1946年3月16日至1948年3月27日,凯勒恩勋爵召集了一系列会议,组建了各地的联络机构,疏通粮食供应的交通渠道,促进粮食生产,并同东南亚主要产粮国(本文仅论暹罗)展开外交联系以保证英属东南亚地区的粮食进口.特派员的工作在一定程度上缓解了东南亚粮食危机,促进了东南亚各国的战后重建,为英国在该地区的经济与防务合作战略开辟了道路.     

浅析奥巴马政府的东南亚外交

"9·11"事件后,美国在全球反恐战争的大背景下"重返"东南亚.但是,由于美国的东南亚外交缺乏连贯、全面的战略安排以及政策上的失误,美国在该地区的战略影响力不升反降.奥巴马政府上台以来,在确保其东南亚战略利益和战略目标基本不变前提下的,在"巧实力"外交理念的指导下,全面介入该地区的各项事务.美国在东南亚外交上的调整必将对该地区权力格局的演变及地区安全秩序的塑造产生重大影响.     

东盟“大国平衡外交”在南海问题上的运用

"大国平衡外交"是指不排除大国在东南亚的存在和影响,利用各大国的优势、它们之间的矛盾以及它们对权力的追求,主动与其发展政治、经济、安全等全方位关系;同时,防止任何大国的势力过于强大,以实现大国在东南亚的势力均衡,维护地区安全与稳定。近年来持续升温的南海争议业已成为中国与某些东盟成员国乃至整个东盟组织之间政治和安全关系发展的最大障碍,也成为东盟成员国对中国加大实施大国平衡外交的重点平台之一。东盟组织与其成员国对于大国平衡外交的侧重点不尽相同。目前,南海问题中呈现出的关注力量国际化、解决方法复杂化和权利诉求法理化,都对中国一向秉持的"搁置争议、共同开发"这一和平解决南海问题的方针提出了严峻挑战。     

小/弱国的“大国平衡”外交机理与菲律宾的中美“再平衡”

与大国相比,小/弱国是一种独特的国际行为主体,其外交政策要与自身的实力地位和国家利益相一致。面对两个存在一定竞争或对抗关系的大国,小/弱国通常采取"大国平衡"外交,而这种外交具有不同于大国视角的内在机理。杜特尔特当选菲律宾总统之后,对中国和美国的态度截然不同,也迥异于上届政府,似乎呈现一种"亲中疏美"的趋势。实际上,杜特尔特政府不过是试图从上一届政府的对美"选边"倾向向"大国平衡"回调,其主要原因在于菲律宾的首要任务是发展经济、中美地区影响力的消长和杜特尔特的鲜明个性,基本目标是维护外交自主、谋求中国的经济帮助和维持大国平衡状态。在可预见的未来,在这种"大国平衡"外交框架下,美菲同盟仍将继续得到维持,但两国互信可能有所降低,菲律宾将减少对美国的防务依赖。     

中国的东南亚外交再思考

在21世纪的中国地缘外交中,处于首要地位的应该是东南亚外交.只有中国和东南亚整体关系达到高度稳定和高度互信的状态,中国和平发展的周边环境才会得到充分的保障.在今天,内政中有外交,外交中有内政的观点已为世人所公认,而中国和东南亚的关系证明,传统意义上的内政和外交的边界更加模糊化.全球性金融危机所引起的大国合作趋势,有可能使东南亚的大国平衡战略失去效用,中国应该积极地推动大国关系与东南亚关系的和谐双赢.在东亚一体化的过程中,东亚大国和东南亚之间只有建立完全平等、互不从属基础上的合作,才能使东亚一体化朝着健康、积极的方向发展.     

小国的“大国平衡外交”机理与马来西亚的中美“平衡外交”

出于对本国实力地位和国家利益的考虑,小国在处理与大国的关系时通常选择"大国平衡外交",以最大限度地维护本国的利益。根据不同标准,小国的"大国平衡外交"具有不同的类型。此外,小国实施"大国平衡"需要具备一定的国内外条件。文章认为,划分国家大小(强弱)应基于"多维度-多因素"视角;中国周边和前苏联地区的小国常采取"大国平衡外交";不能将"均势"、"制衡"和"平衡外交"相混同。基于上述观点,文章探讨了小国的"大国平衡外交"机理和马来西亚对中美的"大国平衡外交"实践,分析了马来西亚"大国平衡外交"的动机、特点和条件,并从中得出一些对中国外交具有启示意义的结论。     

探索中国特色的大国经济外交

大国经济外交,是大国以权势转移、塑造世界秩序为首要目标的经济外交,其主要特征是拥有大国实力、大国意愿和大国影响。由于中国经济外交仍是以经济社会发展为首要目标,因此还不是完全意义上的大国经济外交。但中国具有实施大国经济外交的有利条件,特别是具备高效率运用经济实力的制度优势,以及义利并重的文明属性和丰富的历史文化传承。未来中国实施大国经济外交的战略,是逐步确立大国雄心和大国意识,加强战略规划和打造大国均势体系,因国施策实施精细外交,与金砖国家等协同实施"共同经济外交战略"。中国要稳健审慎使用实力资源,渐进推进大国经济外交。     

冷战时期美国对东南亚的文化外交

二战结束后,随着冷战的逐步展开,美国政府通过对文化外交行政主管机构的整合、国会的一系列立法,与苏联为首的社会主义阵营展开了"文化冷战".冷战时期,美国在东南亚开展的文化外交主要有三种表现形式,即以富布赖特项目为代表的教育交流外交、以图书馆建设和图书翻译及传播为特征的图书外交,以及文艺表演外交.美国在东南亚地区开展的文化外交活动促使该地区部分国家的国民(尤其是社会精英阶层)了解并接受了美国的思想文化和价值观念,培养了一批具有社会影响力的"亲美"人士,进而推动了美国在东南亚地区的文化渗透.另一方面,美国的文化外交在某些情况下也给东南亚国家的统治阶层带来了一些麻烦,同时也引起了企图延缓东南亚非殖民化、希望继续控制东南亚地区的英国、法国等老牌殖民地宗主国的反感.此外,美国文化外交的扩张主义本质,以及美国在该地区的政治、军事行动与其在文化外交项目中标榜的国家形象显著冲突,也使得美国文化外交影响力的发挥大打折扣.     

The FBI's Role in Expelling Germans from Ecuador During the 1940s

The expulsion from Latin America of immigrants from axis countries and their descendants is an important but little‐studied episode of the Second World War. The role of the US, and in particular that of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), in their removal has largely disappeared from historical memory. This article examines how the FBI advanced US commercial interests, and in the process harmed vulnerable people who were subject to these expulsions.     

The Health of the Rurality: The Encuesta de Folklore and Popular Healing Practices in Tucumán, 1921

This article examines healing practices among the rural inhabitants of Tucumán in the opening quarter of the twentieth century through a reading of the 1921 National Folklore Survey. It argues that popular medical practices, referred to as curanderismos (popular healing), continued into the twentieth century not only as cultural practice of the popular classes but as necessity due to limited investments in public health in the rural regions on the part of the national and provincial government.     

Promises of an impossible compromise: conceded constitutions in Europe, 1814–1906

The enactment of a constitution through the method of ‘concession’, as it was used in Europe between the Napoleonic wars and World War I, indicates that a hitherto absolute ruler understood the need for a higher level of institutionalization and collective exercise of state power, but mistrusted institutionalized and collective processes, which would define the level needed. In other word, a ‘concession’ comprehended an imminent contradiction. Drafting an enduring constitution is a complex and difficult task, which requires consensus- building on a wide scale through collective procedures. However, a ruler who ‘concedes’ implicitly denies any kind of collective constitution-making, which could get out of the ruler’s control. Instead rulers preferred a non-inclusive approach, using court advisors and/or ministers appointed by the ruler, to draft the constitutional text. The European experience analyzed in this article shows that popular involvement through representative procedures (such as the election of a constituent assembly) in the making of a constitution can improve its chances for endurance through time and create a political environment more favourable for the constitution to achieve normative quality, instead of remaining essentially a false promise.     

Continuity and change in instrumentalizing ‘The Precedent’. How Russia uses Kosovo to legitimize the annexation of Crimea

The article contributes to the efforts of understanding Russia’s legitimization endeavours by looking at the policy narratives centred around the so-called Kosovo precedent and the way they were perceived by different actors from Ukraine, Russia, and international experts. The aim of the paper is to scrutinize the process of politicization of contested international norms (in particular, territorial sovereignty and the right to self-determination) in the case of Russia’s legitimacy claims in Ukraine. In assessing the instrumentalization of the ‘Kosovo precedent’ in the Crimea crisis, we focused on three main elements identified in the selected policy narratives: the reinterpretation of history, the humanitarian and ethnic factor and the reinterpretation of Western actions in the Balkans.     

‘The state starts from the family’: peace and harmony in Tajikistan's eastern Pamirs

Based on anthropological fieldwork between 2008 and 2011, this article focuses on how people in Tajikistan's eastern Pamirs conceptualize well-being through the establishment of peace and harmony. An exploration of the interactional use of the terms ‘peace’ and ‘harmony’ in Kyrgyz and Tajik (tynchtyk, yntymak, tinji, and vahdat) makes manifest that the meanings of these terms are connected to the fields of ‘family’, ‘leadership’, and ‘state’. Basing their reasoning on the officially promoted analogy between family and state, people in the eastern Pamirs distinguish between social spaces that are related to well-being and those that are not. As a factor of distinction, and crucial to the establishment of peace and harmony, the moral quality of leadership plays an important role. Positive experiences of such leadership as balanced and morally pure are mainly identified and witnessed within families and neighbourhoods and only occasionally in state institutions. This discrepancy raises the question of where to locate boundaries between good and bad, moral and immoral, harmonious and conflictual. Thus, this article contributes not only to the study of local concepts of well-being in Central Asia but also to the study of local concepts of ‘ill-being’ which challenge them.     

AFGHAN REFUGEES: THE IMPACT ON PAKISTAN

One of the most important arenas that have been profoundly affected by the security situation in Afghanistan is Pakistan's internal security environment. The instability in Afghanistan has had a negative spill-over effect on Pakistan's domestic security scenario, as the Afghan quagmire poses immense implications on Pakistan's domestic framework. One of the important consequences of the Afghan conflict since the 1970s has been the massive inflow of the Afghan refugee population to the neighbouring Pakistan which in following years has brought about a number of demographic and security challenges to the Pakistani society. Therefore along with a number of factors, at this present juncture, Afghan refugees have also become a principal factor in determining Pakistan's Afghanistan policy.