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This paper empirically evaluates two competing theories of electoral accountability in the context of New Orleans’ 2006 mayoral
election. According to the democratic efficiency theory, voters can successfully punish ineffective political agents by removing
them from office. In contrast, the public choice theory argues that the bundled nature of political goods prevents voters
from successfully holding ineffective politicians accountable. We find that although there is limited support for the punishment
effect predicted by the democratic efficiency theory, this effect is overwhelmed by the fact that the bundle of goods politicians
offer contains elements that pull in opposing directions. This prevents the punishment effect from having any real impact,
leading to democratic failure. Our results support the public choice theory of electoral (un)accountability. 相似文献
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Christopher J. Schneider 《Critical Criminology》2004,12(1):87-103
This paper begins with an overview of criticalrace theory tenets, which in turn will befollowed by an overview of postmodernism. These bodies of knowledge consist of an arrayof ideologies; but for the purpose of thisarticle only the fundamentals of each will bediscussed. Thereafter, an integration ofthese two contemporary areas of thought willdemonstrate the constructive linkage ofcritical race theory and postmodern theory. Theintegrations that follow will emphasize how acollaboration of critical race theory tenetsand postmodern thought can contribute to asuccessful, and more importantly improved,analysis of the social constructions of race,class, and gender. In addition, theintersectional analysis presented willdemonstrate a more informative and betterunderstanding of the subtleties of blatant andmore hidden forms of race, class, and gender. 相似文献
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《Journal of Ethnicity in Criminal Justice》2013,11(3):5-22
Abstract The size of the Hispanic population in the United States has grown to the point that they now comprise the largest minority group. While much research has been conducted to explore the effects of race and ethnicity on various aspects of the criminal justice system, most of these studies focus on African Americans. The purpose of this study is to assess the representation of Hispanics in criminal justice literature and to summarize the findings. The results suggest that while many studies contained Hispanic subjects, few articles focused specifically on His-panics and fewer articles focused on Hispanic women. When analyzed separately, Hispanics were found to be statistically different from other groups. Much of the Hispanic-focused research centered on drug use, gang involvement, and violence. Given the size and growth of this important group, criminologists must consciously recognize and proactively seek to include the views and experiences of Hispanics in their research. 相似文献
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通过法律调整追求和实现正义是现代法治的基本目标.由于社会结构的多元化和文化的传统,法的理想与社会生活,尤其是法律制度之间也存在冲突与矛盾.本文研究了这种冲突产生原因与解决方法. 相似文献
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MARJORIE S. ZATZ 《犯罪学》1984,22(2):147-171
A study of 4729 sentences handed out during the first year of determinate sentencing in California shows subtle differences in the sentencing of Whites, Blacks, and Chicanos. As expected, main effects of race/ethnicity are not found. However, the type of offense, mode of disposition, and the defendant's prior record do affect sentencing differently, even with determinate sentencing, depending on the defendant's race/ethnicity. The detrimental effect of a prior record for Chicanos is especially interesting as it can be invoked legally as a sentence enhancement. The findings reported here demonstrate that Chicanos constitute a separate group, distinct from both Blacks and Whites, and must be treated accordingly in criminological research. So doing clarifies many of the inconsistencies in prior sentencing research. 相似文献
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《Justice Quarterly》2012,29(3):251-269
This paper largely replicates, within the state of North Carolina, Blumstein's (1982) national study of the effects of arrests on the racial disproportionality of the prison population. In agreement with the previous study, these data indicate that the racial difference between rates of arrest and imprisonment varies with the type of offense. The level of arrests failed to account for a sizeable amount of the racial differentials in imprisonment for drug offenses, forgery and driving under the influence. An unexpected finding is a lower than expected (by arrests) rate of black imprisonment for rape and robbery. 相似文献
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The current study used data drawn from the National Incident-Based Reporting System (NIBRS) and the census to investigate the relationship between indicators of interracial and intraracial economic inequality and violent crime rates, including White-on-Black, White-on-White, Black-on-White, and Black-on-Black offenses. Multivariate regression results for ninety-one cities showed that while total inequality and intraracial inequality had no significant association with offending rates, interracial inequality was a strong predictor of the overall violent crime rate and the Black-on-Black crime rate. Overall, these results were interpreted as consistent with J.R. Blau and Blau's (1982) relative deprivation thesis, with secondary support for P.M. Blau's (1977) macrostructural theory of intergroup relations. The findings also helped to clarify the unresolved theoretical issue regarding which reference group was most important in triggering relative deprivation among Blacks. It appeared that prior studies were unable to find support for the relative deprivation thesis for Black crime rates because of data and methodological limitations. 相似文献
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Amber L. Beckley 《Crime, Law and Social Change》2008,49(4):303-314
Black men, especially those in the lower-class are stereotyped as hypermasculine. Such stereotypes may affect placement in
criminal justice programs as well as whether offenders successfully complete programming given placement. This article considers
whether the intersection of class and race affect boot camp failure. Using data from MacKenzie’s evaluation of correctional
boot camps, results show that neither race, nor the interaction of race with indicators of orientation towards decent or street
behavior has any effect on dropping out of boot camp. What is significant in predicting boot camp completion is the offender’s
belief prior to beginning the program that he is “tough enough” to handle the institution. However, this result is opposite
of expected for black men. The implications of this result and future directions are considered.
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Amber L. BeckleyEmail: |
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Michael H. Schill 《Law & social inquiry》1994,19(2):433-456
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Social Justice Research - Research on attitudes toward racial policies has often been limited to a single racial group (e.g., either Whites or Blacks). These studies often focus on the role of... 相似文献
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Jeff Gruenewald 《Journal of criminal justice》2009,37(3):262
This study examined the criteria news media use to evaluate the newsworthiness of homicide incidents occurring between the years of 1997 to 2005. By examining how particular race, gender, and race/gender intersections of offender-victim combinations affect news coverage decision-making, this study attempted to identify the most important criteria of newsworthiness. This article contributes to the growing body of newsworthiness of crime research by examining how cultural typification of victims and offenders affects news media coverage of homicides in Newark, New Jersey, a unique research location in which Blacks make up the majority of the population and Hispanics are the dominant population minority. The results provide partial support for Lundman's (2003) conclusion that cultural typification based on race and gender is an important criterion of newsworthiness. 相似文献
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《Justice Quarterly》2012,29(5):869-894
Florida statutes allow for the application of enhanced sentences to defendants designated as “Career Offenders.” The application of these laws is discretionary and as such, prosecutors seek the designation for a fraction of the defendants who qualify. Utilizing Hierarchical Generalized Linear Modeling, this paper examines whether individual attributes, such as race and ethnicity, impact an individual's likelihood of receiving the Career Offender designation for 13,704 males sentenced to prison between 2002 and 2004. The second-level analysis incorporates county characteristics into the equation and tests whether these predictors have either a direct or a cross-level effect on the relationship. The broad theoretical framework that guides the present research is grounded in the social threat and social control perspective, which argues that minorities on both the individual and aggregate levels may be perceived as threatening in ways that can mobilize or enhance social controls. 相似文献
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Brewer TW 《Law and human behavior》2004,28(5):529-545
This paper examines the variation in receptivity to mitigation evidence by capital jurors as it varies by the race of the juror, defendant, and victim individually and in combination. Attitudinal and racial characteristics from 865 respondents in the Capital Jury Project were used in the analysis. Using a generalized form of multiple regression, the respondent's receptivity to mitigation evidence was predicted and changes in receptivity were calculated as the race of the main trial participants (juror, defendant, and victim) were varied. Statistical controls were put in place for gender of respondent; respondent's perception of the dangerousness of the defendant, heinousness of the crime, and view of the defense attorney; respondent's formation of a premature sentencing decision; and whether the trial took place in a southern state jurisdiction. Results indicate that Black jurors in cases where a Black is charged with killing a White victim are chiefly responsible for the observed variance in receptivity to mitigation. 相似文献
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《Justice Quarterly》2012,29(4):585-607
Two recent studies support the hypothesis of a positive association between the “broken family” and crime; one repeats an earlier finding that this relationship is stronger for blacks than for whites. The alarm over the upsurge in female family headship in the United States led to a test of the hypothesis with previously neglected longitudinal data. For the years 1971 to 1986, despite tremendous increases in female family headship among blacks, only one of eight index offenses (arrests) showed an increase among black juveniles. Among white juveniles, increases in three of eight index offenses accompanied the increase in female headship. More important, multiple regression analysis yielded no significant relationship between female headship and any of the eight index offenses or total index offenses for black or white juveniles. The findings may be explained in part by changing attitudes toward birth outside marriage, divorce, and women's competence to rear children by themselves. Also, proposed explanations of the broken family/crime association, such as ineffective supervision by single parents and weakened attachment to single parents, are rendered irrelevant by our findings. 相似文献
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Crime, Law and Social Change - 相似文献
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Dayna Bowen Matthew 《The Journal of law, medicine & ethics》2008,36(1):150-73, 4
That minority patients have not figured at all in the literature about informed consent is an egregious omission which this article begins to repair. Moreover, the article demonstrates that by addressing identifiable harms which informed consent law now causes to racial, religious, and ethnic minority patients, the law may also better address many of the concerns legal commentators have been discussing for years with only majority patients in mind. Ironically, the solution to the discrimination felt by the excluded members of society may turn out to provide the remedy for the informed consent doctrine as a whole. 相似文献