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Abstract

Regression analysis of Community Development Block Grant (CDBG) spending in 17 large cities reveals strong statistical associations between spending from 1994 to 1996 and changes in three indicators of neighborhood conditions: the home purchase mortgage approval rate, the median amount of the home purchase loans originated, and the number of businesses. However, there is no consistent association between spending and indicators of subsequent neighborhood change unless CDBG spending is sufficiently spatially targeted that it exceeds a threshold of the sample mean expenditure and is measured relative to the number of poor residents. In addition, associations vary according to neighborhood trajectories before investment and changes in the local economy.

Nevertheless, even in the least hospitable contexts—highly concentrated neighborhood poverty, preexisting declines in home values, weak city job growth—our estimates are consistent with the hypothesis that above‐threshold CDBG spending produces significant neighborhood improvements. We discuss the implications for such spatially targeted spending and connections between our work and the emerging literature on the dynamics of poor neighborhoods.  相似文献   

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This paper argues that the evolution of APEC and the rejection of Japan's 1997 AMF proposal reflect a failure of Japanese and US leadership. Not only have the two countries failed to exercise either individual or shared regional leadership. Instead, both have used their considerable structural power negatively to block the other's proposals for regional collective action, rather than positively to exercise leadership. After developing the concepts of leadership and blocking power, the paper provides case studies of the APEC and AMF. It concludes that if a post-hegemonic US no longer has the willingness and/or the ability to undertake collective action single-handedly, and if in a post-Cold War world neither the US nor Japan has sufficient incentives to bridge their differences and sacrifice some interests to achieve a unified stance, then continued stalemate and under-supply of regional collective goods can be expected.  相似文献   

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When multiple taxing jurisdictions overlap and fail to account for one another’s actions, they over-tax the common base. This is a prediction of the anticommons model, in which numerous parties have authority to exclude others from using a resource. This model further predicts that when governments over-tax the base, private parties will underutilize the resource, and underutilization will be greater as the number of parties with exclusion rights rises. We test these predictions by studying cell phone taxation and local option tax authority, which allows some cities, counties, and special-purpose districts to levy taxes on cell phone use. Consistent with theory, we find that the tax rate on cell phone service is higher when local governments have the option to tax. Further, the percentage of households owning cell phones is lower when there is the local option to tax, and ownership rates fall with the number of taxes levied.  相似文献   

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资源调控法探析   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
资源调控的意义在于减少资源浪费 ,提高资源利用率 ,使资源的开发符合可持续发展的要求。要搞好资源的宏观调控 ,就必须保证其立法的完善 ;其原则是经济、生态效益与社会效益相统一 ,坚持综合利用与可持续开发的结合 ,实现资源优化配置目标  相似文献   

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各级党政机关是党的路线、方针、政策制定和实施的中枢机构 ,其党员干部能否发挥先锋模范作用 ,直接关系到党和政府在群众中的形象和执政地位的巩固。中国共产党必须站在时代的高度 ,从教育、管理、监督等方面建立一套比较科学、严密的机制 ,规范机关党组织和党员的行为 ,使其保持和发扬党员的先进性 ,从而真正实现党对全社会的领导。  相似文献   

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Roy Godson, Ernest R. May, and Gary Schmitt, US Intelligence at the Crossroads: Agendas for Reform, (Washington and London: Brassey's, 1995). Pp.315, no index. $25.95 £20.95. ISBN 0–02–881122–4.

Roy Godson, Dirty Tricks or Trump Cards: US Covert Action and Counter‐intelligence (Washington and London: Brassey's, 1995). Pp.337, biblio. index. $24.95 £21.95. ISBN 0–02–881036–8.  相似文献   

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在现行的高校助学体系中,助学金是帮助贫困生解决经济问题,顺利完成学业的一项重要资助政策。当前的高校对助学金工作十分重视,但是在助学金实际工作中存在着一些问题尚待解决,影响了助学金的效果。从助学金工作实际出发,提出当前助学金工作中存在的问题和难点,并分析问题产生原因,提出相应的解决对策,使助学金工作的顺利有效开展。  相似文献   

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李勇 《学理论》2008,(20):33-34
贯彻落实科学发展观需要继续解放思想,继续解放思想要抓住发展第一要义,进一步解放生产力;继续解放思想要加快党的建设创新;继续解放思想要有改革创新突破所面临的障碍。  相似文献   

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思想解放与经济体制改革   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
目前关于我国经济体制改革的基本判断是:经济体制改革取得历史性成果,深化改革的思想理论观念环境不断改善,改革进入不进则退、任务艰巨、重点突破的新阶段,深层次体制问题日益成为经济发展的障碍,必须抓住重点深化经济体制改革。  相似文献   

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普速线路受其建设等级低、开放式管理等因素影响,沿线非法通道多,安全管理难度大,极易发生车辆肇事等危及行车安全事故。对此,要统一干部民警、地方政府、路内单位思想,采取拆除、绕行、改建等方式,提高宣传教育、治安整治、沟通协调能力,建立健全隐患排查、路内联控、综合治理机制,形成合力,齐抓共管,彻底根除隐患,确保常态长效。  相似文献   

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实行列车“巡乘制”,既能确保列车治安平稳,又能有效缓解警力紧张的矛盾,是警务规范化管理的一次重大改革。要逐步对条件成熟的列车推行巡乘警务,加大站车视频监控等科技装备投入,不断完善以地保车机制,强化巡乘队伍自身建设,切实提升警务改革成效。  相似文献   

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胡婧 《学理论》2012,(32):22-23
对于政府的监督一直是学界经常讨论的话题,一个受到有效监督的政府才能更好地体现出民主执政和高效执政,才能更好地运行相关权力管理国家,而在各种监督方法中,互联网的兴起使得监督模式更加自由和民主化,虽然网络监督方便公民对政府的监督,但由于网络自身的一些弊端和网民素质的不等,使得网络监督也存在一些问题,因此有必要通过完善法律法规和引导政府积极对待网络监督的方式来让政府监督网络化走向民主法治的一面。  相似文献   

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