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1.
《当代亚洲杂志》2012,42(3):447-463
Abstract This article analyses emerging approaches by donors to risk management, focusing on the case of the Australian Agency for International Development (AusAID). It suggests that AusAID's understanding and management of risk are expressions of particular political and social interests and, subsequently, that its approach to risk management is inherently political in nature. While AusAID's policies and guidelines on risk management identify a wide range of risks as being relevant to the agency's work – including risks to poverty reduction and sustainable development – in practice it has focused on managing risks to the building of neo-liberal markets, both within Australia and in developing countries, and the Australian government's foreign policy objectives. To illustrate these points, we present an analysis of AusAID's approach to risk management in a major economic governance project, the Philippines-Australia Partnership for Economic Governance Reforms. We conclude by indicating ways in which donor approaches to risk management can be revised to give greater attention to the needs of the poor and civil society, while acknowledging that such revisions may be contingent upon prior changes in the structure of power and interest and/or institutional characteristics of aid policy-making processes in donor countries. 相似文献
2.
Pak Nung Wong 《当代亚洲杂志》2013,43(4):584-609
With respect to the major approaches of state-society relations and Chinese business networks in Southeast Asia, two knowledge gaps are identified. First, little is known about how two sets of dualistic conceptual entities may be connected in the often-contentious state formation process between: (1) the ruling minority and ruled majority; and (2) the nationalising state and grain-producing frontiers. Second, very little is known about the role that the Chinese business networks played and how they contributed to the state formation processes. Using a Philippine trans-local grain-trading network as a site of investigation, the paper seeks to fill these knowledge gaps by delineating an integrative approach – designated as rhizomatic political economy – which argues that Southeast Asian state formation may hinge on the instrumentalisation of Chinese business networks and what is identified as their rhizomatic power/knowledge system. They are not just business-brokers in the trans-local grain trade that connects the national capital and grain-producing locales, but also serve as political brokers to implement state measures in regards to food and interior security affairs. 相似文献
3.
列宁在治理世界上第一个社会主义国家的实践中,捍卫并发展了马克思主义的国家治理学说。他将马克思主义国家治理由理论变为现实,并基于俄国现实探索东方社会主义国家治理道路,首创并完善苏维埃社会主义制度。列宁国家治理理论对中国特色社会主义国家治理现代化具有重要启示意义。当代中国应把握国家治理的科学内涵,实事求是地探索国家治理路径... 相似文献
4.
"弱国家"形态及其根源:印尼的案例 总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4
本文主要探究弱国家的形态特征及其根源,并具体分析了印尼这一个案.所谓弱国家,是指政府(履行其基本职能的)能力滑坡、社会结构趋向于涣散的这一类国家,是介于正常运转国家与失败国家之间的一种国家类型.造成弱国家局面的因素是多方面的,既包括政治形态转型期的新旧二元结构冲突,也包括原本就比较松散的种族一宗教结构,以及全球化时代来自世界体系的压力.新权威主义可能是转型时期国家避免弱国家局面的一种实用制度和策略. 相似文献
5.
Andr Mach Gerhard Schnyder Thomas David Martin Lüpold 《Swiss Political Science Review》2006,12(1):1-32
La Suisse a toujours connu une forte tradition d'autorégulation par les acteurs privés dans les sphères économiques au détriment d'un cadre légal très étendu. Cela s'avère particulièrement vrai en matière de gouvernement d'entreprise, notamment en ce qui concerne le droit des sociétés, la surveillance des marchés boursiers ou le droit comptable. En raison du caractère très général de la législation, divers mécanismes de gouvernance privée ont généralement complété la base légale minimale dans ces trois domaines. Depuis une vingtaine d'années, on assiste cependant à une profonde transformation de ces mécanismes d'autorégulation dans le sens d'une formalisation accrue et d'un remplacement progressif des solutions privées par des réglementations publiques plus précises dans cinq domaines cruciaux: transférabilité des actions, droit de vote des actions en dépôt auprès des banques, offres publiques d'achat, surveillance des marchés boursiers et établissement des normes comptables. Sous l'effet des transformations de l'environnement international, de l'évolution des préférences de certains acteurs économiques importants et de l'affirmation de nouveaux acteurs (investisseurs institutionnels et experts‐comptables notamment), le cadre réglementaire du gouvernement d'entreprise suisse a été réformé en profondeur. 相似文献
6.
Bert Suykens 《亚洲研究》2018,50(3):422-441
Around half a million cycle rickshaws are currently active in Dhaka, Bangladesh. With only 86,000 official licenses available, different types of organizations supply licenses to most rickshaw drivers. These non-official licenses mimic the language of the state. This article argues that while these licenses appear as part of non-state, hybrid, or twilight institutions, they in fact constitute a state practice. Based on approximately 200 semi-structured interviews at six locations in Dhaka and offering a conceptualization of the Bangladesh state as a party-state, the article shows that the operation of non-official rickshaw licenses and the mimicry entailed is an inherent part of party-state governance, one which is not morally neutral. While most respondents saw the everyday benefits of non-official licenses in the absence of sufficient official ones, the latter remained the most prized and, if made available, respondents agreed that the former would become redundant. 相似文献
7.
Kempe Ronald Hope Sr. 《South African Journal of International Affairs》2013,20(2):243-263
In recent years, a number of African countries have scaled up their efforts to improve their democratic development and governance environments. Liberia took up that challenge, in partnership with donor agencies. Between 2006 and 2009 the country's government implemented a Governance and Economic Management Assistance Program (GEMAP) to, among other things, control corruption, mitigate financial mismanagement, improve the capacity for better economic management, and elevate the performance of key institutions in a post-conflict environment for democratic and peaceful state-building. This article provides a review and analytical assessment of the GEMAP in the context of the donor policy intervention framework through which it was conceived and implemented. The evolution, nature, and impact of the program are documented and analysed, and areas where there could have been greater effectiveness are discussed. 相似文献
8.
《当代亚洲杂志》2012,42(3):427-446
Abstract Despite the admonishments of the 2003 Extractive Industry Review, the World Bank Group (WBG) has continued to promote the expansion of mining activities in resource-rich client-countries. While maintaining its mantra on the economic benefits of the sector in cash-strapped countries, in recent years poverty reduction and environmental sustainability have become the new buzzwords to justify the need for the WBG to remain actively involved in the sector. Building on the cases of the Philippines, Papua New Guinea and Lao PDR, this paper analyses this new socio-environmental narrative in conjunction with the highly political nature of the role played by the WBG in the mining sector of its country-clients. The cases demonstrate that the World Bank has played a key role in influencing a wave of new mining regimes in the region. Further, these new regimes, which comprise multilateral social and environmental safeguards, circumscribe the risks faced by industry, rather than by local populations. While successful in stimulating foreign investments in the sector, these regimes might prove ineffective in taming local and national resentment against mining activities. Crucially, the engineering of mining regimes and norm-settings in multilateral arenas raises concerns about the legitimacy of the transformations of roles and responsibilities assigned to local mining stakeholders and the possible subsequent contraction of local political spaces. 相似文献
9.
中国特色社会主义的国家治理优势是具有集成性、高效性、吸纳性和自主性特性的结构性优势。增强中国特色社会主义国家治理的优势认同,对进一步发挥中国特色社会主义国家的治理优势意义重大,必须增强国家治理优势主体内容的认同,消除国家治理优势理解上的认同偏颇。增强中国特色社会主义国家治理优势的认同自觉,为中国特色社会主义国家的治理优势认同奠定实践基础,深化在具体体制机制、运行环节和方式方法上的改革创新,强化斗争意识、增强斗争本领,是增强中国特色社会主义国家治理优势认同的入径选择。 相似文献
10.
本文介绍菲律宾政府与商界对中国入世和CAFTA的看法,以及菲律宾政府所采取的逆向应对举措,并从菲律宾的"逆工业化"过程的特点,制造业滞后发展与中小企业惧变,菲律宾政府与商界关系的变化与互动,菲律宾政治的特点以及21世纪初期菲政府的经济外交政策等角度,作了深层次的原因探析. 相似文献
11.
Camilo Tamayo Gomez 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2020,39(Z1):12-15
The COVID-19 crisis provides a window of opportunity for organised crime organisations in Colombia and Mexico to exert social control in local communities through actions of solidarity and care rather than traditional violent coercion. This new dynamic is increasing the legitimacy, power and social capital of gangs and drug cartels, helping them to co-opt civil society and the state to support their criminal operations. The pandemic also shows how poverty and inequality remain fundamental in shaping the building of the nation-state in both countries, where criminals act as a de facto state even without the virus and, in many areas, effectively replace the state. The coronavirus is making visible the ways in which organised crime groups cultivate civil society's support in delivering the provision of governance, order and public health in a time of lockdown and quarantine, making local ‘narco-gang’ governance profitable economically and politically. 相似文献
12.
Tariro Kamuti 《Journal of contemporary African studies : JCAS》2014,32(2):190-206
Conversion from livestock and/or crop farming to game farming has been a notable trend on privately owned land in South Africa over the last decades. The rapid growth of wildlife ranching is associated with an annual increase in the areas enclosed by game fences and high demand for wildlife which is being traded privately and at wildlife auctions. Key environmental, agricultural and land reform legislation has been passed since 1994 that impacts this sector, but this legislation does not provide a clear regulatory framework for the game farming industry. This article seeks to understand why game farming is thriving in a regulatory environment plagued with uncertainty. The focus is on one province, KwaZulu-Natal. It is clear that the state is not a homogeneous and monolithic entity applying itself to the regulation of the sector. There is no clear direction on the position of private game farming at the interface of environmental and agricultural regulations. The argument put forward is that the fractured state, in fact, provides space within which the game farmers are able to effectively manoeuvre and to maximise their advantages as private landowners. While game farmers may complain about strict wildlife regulation in the province, the benefits they gain from the combination of a divided state and the presence in this province of a strong, autonomous conservation body are considerable. 相似文献
13.
Laura Tedesco 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2004,23(1):30-42
This article explores academic debates on transitions and democratic development, and outlines ideas relating to the governance issues considered by the papers in this special section. It presents a discussion of recent debates on democracy and transition in Latin America and concludes on the need to conceptualise the state in the region after the return to democracy. In so doing, it analyses issues of governance and highlights the role of the political class in building a democratic state. 相似文献
14.
菲律宾南部的穆斯林问题一直是现代菲律宾社会的热点,历史上的菲律宾也经受过伊斯兰教的重大影响。伊斯兰教传入菲律宾是它在东南亚迅猛的传播、扩张运动的一个组成部分,其传入菲律宾的过程可分为四个历史阶段。在全球视角中,菲律宾的伊斯兰化始于伊斯兰在全世界范围内东扩到达东南亚,一面是伊斯兰教东进,一面是西班牙西进、葡萄牙东进,在东南亚东端的菲律宾相遇碰撞。所以菲律宾的伊斯兰化是整个伊斯兰世界的扩张及其与基督教世界的争夺中的一个组成部分,是基督教世界绕过半个地球来到远东与伊斯兰世界再次发生文明冲突的碰撞的标志。 相似文献
15.
菲律宾新政府采取一系列措施推行PPP模式在基础设施建设中的应用,本文概述了PPP模式在菲律宾基础设施建设中的进展及发展趋势,分析了菲律宾政府大力推行该模式的经济动因及PPP模式的潜在风险,并提出相应建议及对我国的启示。 相似文献
16.
菲律宾作为农业国家,经济发展落后,粮食产量供不应求。菲律宾忽视农业的制度安排导致粮食国际购买力下降,贫困率居高不下,并且一直威胁着菲律宾的粮食安全。菲律宾历届政府试图通过一系列的经济改革和土改制度安排来解决粮食危机,但效果不尽人意。本文通过对菲律宾粮食安全和土地改革的分析,发现土地改革政策的不彻底性、短期性、滞后性使政策效果大打折扣,贫困农民并没能从改革中真正获得好处。只有重视并维护农业的基础地位,彻底解决土地分配不公现象,通过全面配套改革措施,才能真正实现菲律宾粮食安全。 相似文献
17.
步入九十年代 ,菲律宾政治渐趋稳定 ,但政党活动十分活跃。一些在全国影响较大的政党面对新的情况 ,进行了力量整合 ,政纲调整 ,也进行了新的权力角逐 ,在政治发展中留下了鲜明的印迹。随着政治和经济格局的变化 ,菲政党政治也呈现出新的特点 ,这是菲律宾政治中值得注意的新趋向。 相似文献
18.
Jamie Doucette 《亚洲研究》2013,45(3):388-413
ABSTRACT:In the 2012 Korean presidential election, both liberal and conservative parties fought their campaigns on the slogan of “economic democratization,” marking a strong departure from past presidential elections and the growth-first policies of the then-incumbent conservative administration. Both parties pledged to tackle growing social polarization and the concentration of economic power by reforming the corporate governance of Korea's large, family-led conglomerates (chaebol), to the degree that chaebol reform itself became synonymous with economic democratization. This focus led to a series of heated exchanges among liberal-left reformers about the vision of economic democratization being promoted, with one camp favoring the creation of a “fair market” through the restructuring of the chaebol and another promoting the protection of the chaebol’s management rights over their affiliates as a desirable strategy for the creation of a Korean welfare state. This essay examines the long-standing tensions between these two liberal-left perspectives and argues that the capital-centric and market-based visions these camps promoted risk confining intellectual debate over the meaning of economic democracy within boundaries that serve dominant political interests. 相似文献
19.
Tanya Jakimow 《当代亚洲杂志》2019,49(3):389-409
The “typical” municipal councillor in India is usually portrayed in the literature as a political entrepreneur in a clientelistic relationship with voters, providing privileged access to the state in return for electoral support. This article arose out of a lack of familiarity with this portrait and the municipal councillors (known locally as Parshads) of Dehradun. Ethnographic research and the co-construction of in-depth profiles with women Parshads revealed key differences in the ways that they get things done, the types of work they do and the ways that voters make demands. The term naukrani, meaning servant, is proposed to capture these dimensions of their everyday work, and to draw attention to the way Parshads are positioned in relation to an increasingly assertive electorate. It is argued that this positioning of naukrani is revelatory of a particular democratic logic in Dehradun and emergent political subjectivities, particularly among the middle class. By examining naukrani as an imposed positioning, rather than a strategic political identity, the limitations of politicians’ self-authorship are suggested. A focus on women Parshads hints at the gendered nature of this positioning and the implicit masculine bias in conventional understandings of political actors’ role in urban governance. 相似文献
20.
包心鉴 《中国浦东干部学院学报》2020,(3):40-49
把制度建设摆到更加突出的位置,强调把中国制度优势转化为国家治理效能,深刻体现了当代中国共产党人高度的制度自觉和坚定的制度自信。这种制度自觉和制度自信,建立在中国特色社会主义制度所深蕴的内在特质和所具有的独特优势基础之上。在当代中国,深入推进国家治理体系和治理能力现代化,全面实现社会主义现代化,从根本意义上说就是要深刻凸... 相似文献