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1.
I must agree with Ms. Taylor's conclusion that "a couple's equality in bed is likely to reflect their social and economic equality" (Sex and the 3rd world woman, June issue). My discomfort with the article arose partly from being among the mass of male sexual oppressors, but mainly from the shallowness of her report (more rhetoric than reporting). It may satisfy an appetite for feminist literature but let us think more clearly. What % of 3rd world women actually have their sexual organs tampered with? Female circumcision in Kenya, for instance, traditionally had nothing to do with this. Opportunities for women are fewest in strict Muslim societies. Ms. Taylor narrow-mindedly expects us to believe that this is entirely due to the dominant male. New Internationalist should reconsider publishing articles with so little substance as they will not aid in any real understanding of the fate of women in the 3rd world.  相似文献   

2.
Mexico's authoritarian dominant party regime is a curious hybrid.1 The 1917 Constitution is an advanced liberal charter and some basic rules of political procedure ‐ such as the fixed timetable for federal elections and the no re‐election rule ‐ are strongly institutionalised. Yet for over 60 years the regime was also clearly authoritarian, deriving its legitimacy from the revolution rather than the electorate. This article analyses the sui generis nature of the Mexican authoritarian regime, tracing the way formal constitutional rules were supplemented (or displaced) by a coherent and relatively flexible set of informal understandings perpetuating one party dominance. It counterposes these country‐specific characteristics to comparative accounts of how authoritarian regimes ‘break down’, or introduce a ‘political liberalization’ which perhaps opens the way to a ‘transition’ to democracy. Under each of these headings Mexican reality demands significant adaptations to the standard account. During 1994 Mexico underwent severe upheavals without a ‘breakdown’ of the regime. Instead the 1994 presidential election provided a reasonably authentic electoral mandate to the current administration ‐ and yet the process of ‘transition’ to democracy in Mexico remains elusive. This article uses the current Mexican process to probe the scope and limitations of the comparative democratization literature.  相似文献   

3.
Vladimir Putin's United Russia and Nursultan Nazabayev's Nur Otan represent a distinctive type of dominant party due to their personalist nature and dependence on their presidential patrons. Such personalism deprives these parties of the agency to perform key roles in authoritarian reproduction typically expected of dominant parties, such as resource distribution, policy-making and mobilizing mass support for the regime. Instead United Russia and Nur Otan have contributed to authoritarian consolidation by securing the president's legislative agenda, stabilizing elites to ensure their patron's hold on power, and assisting in perpetuating a discourse around the national leader. However, because these parties lack the agency to reproduce themselves, to entrench their position, and to play more than a supportive role in regime consolidation, the lifespan of such personalist dominant parties is likely to be significantly shorter than that of dominant parties.  相似文献   

4.
以连续克隆分离的方法,从1株水牛伊氏锥虫中分离到40个克隆群体,从中分离鉴定出18个抗原变异型.经间接免疫荧光试验检测,发现其中2个抗原变异型(即HbTatl.18和HbTatl.15)分别能与约80%和60%克隆群体的血清发生较强的阳性反应,初步确定这2个抗原变异型为该虫株的优势代表变异体.这为伊氏锥虫免疫预防、免疫诊断、分子诊断以及遗传进化等的研究奠定了良好的基础.  相似文献   

5.
对青海省大通种牛场饲养的4头公野牦牛21项血液生化指标进行了测定,结果显示,驯养多年的公野牦牛部分生化指标仍保持着高海拔地区的特征.  相似文献   

6.
为构建长角血蜱雄蜱抑制消减杂交cDNA文库,获得长角血蜱雄性成蜱在半饱血状态下的特异表达基因,用抑制消减杂交方法构建以pGEM-T Easy为载体的长角血蜱半饱血雄蜱全蜱cDNA文库,测序并进行生物信息学分析.以新合成的长角血蜱饥饿和半饱血雄蜱cDNA第一链为模板,用RT-PCR方法对从文库中挑选的5个表达序列标签(EST)进行鉴定.初步获得18个EST,BlastX分析显示,所得cDNA编码的功能性蛋白主要包括信号传导、组织形态形成、转录调节和糖类代谢等相关蛋白.RT-PCR鉴定结果显示,随机挑选的5个新EST中有3个在半饱血状态下差异表达.结果表明,成功地构建了长角血蜱雄性全蜱抑制消减杂交文库,获得了有潜在生物学功能的EST.  相似文献   

7.
Abstract

Since the early 1990s the concept of the information society has taken centre stage on the political agendas of several national governments in the North and South, as well as regional and international institutions, donor organisations and non-governmental organisations (NGOs). This article first sets out to analyse and describe both the content of, the evolution in, this policy discourse. It attempts to assess the validity of this discourse in light of the current changes at the global level and in the light of the problems associated with the practical implementation of policy in a developmental context. By so doing, it questions the basic – and overly simplistic – assumptions of the dominant scenario.  相似文献   

8.
为探讨热应激对雄性兔性腺的氧化损伤机制,以体重相近的110日龄雄性新西兰兔为研究对象,每天在固定时间分别以31~34℃和38~40℃进行热应激,并分别在热应激后的第15、30、45及60天处死兔,取样检测性腺组织内总抗氧化酶活性、丙二醛及蛋白质羰基含量。结果显示,随着温度升高,睾丸和附睾组织丙二醛含量增加,总抗氧化酶活性降低,蛋白质羰基含量呈上升趋势,表现出明显的温度-时间效应。表明高热可改变兔睾丸和附睾的正常生理机能,使自由基在组织内累积,引起蛋白质氧化损伤,进而降低繁殖机能。  相似文献   

9.
双酚A对雄性小鼠睾丸发育和生殖激素分泌水平的影响   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
为研究不同剂量的双酚A(BPA)对雄性小鼠生殖系统的损伤作用,将25g左右的雄性小鼠40只随机分成对照组、BPA(10、50、100mg/kg)染毒组,每组10只,连续7d对小鼠腹腔注射BPA,对照组注射等量的橄榄油,1次/d,染毒结束后摘取并称量大鼠睾丸、附睾质量并计算脏器指数;光镜检测睾丸病理学改变;酶联免疫法检测血中睾丸酮、黄体生成素水平。结果显示,与对照组相比,小鼠睾丸重量、附睾重量及其脏器指数显著降低(P0.05,P0.01);双酚A组中的曲细精管部分支持细胞与生精细胞分离,生精细胞松散,无规律,各层细胞发生紊乱;随染毒剂量的增加,小鼠血清中睾丸酮和黄体生成素的含量逐渐降低,50mg/kg和100mg/kg两个剂量组睾丸酮和黄体生成素的浓度与对照组相比差异极显著(P0.01)。结果表明BPA可引起雄性小鼠生殖系统的损伤。  相似文献   

10.
The major military challenge that the United States faces today is the war in Afghanistan. The U.S. military is engaged in a grueling counterinsurgency campaign against the Islamist movement known as the Taliban, which is based among Pashtun tribes in Southeastern Afghanistan and Northwestern Pakistan, who have never been permanently subdued by a foreign military force. This challenge comes in the wake of that other grueling counterinsurgency war that the U.S. military has had to conduct in Iraq, where its chief adversary was the Islamist movement known as al Qaeda in Mesopotamia. Moreover, the challenge in Afghanistan comes on what could be the eve of an impending military challenge, perhaps even a war, with Iran, as that Islamist state relentlessly moves toward acquiring nuclear weapons. In its entire history of two- and-a-quarter centuries, the United States has never been engaged in an unbroken succession of three wars, in three different countries. Together, the U.S. wars with or within Islamist countries add up to what is a “long war,” indeed.  相似文献   

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14.
The Contributors     
《安全研究》2013,22(3-4)
  相似文献   

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16.
坪内逍遥《小说神髓》要展现的是一个庞大的帝国文化图景,其主要意图应置入近代日本社会“他者意识一民族主义一近代国民国家”这一思想观念流程中才能够被理解。它不仅呈现出作者根深蒂固的民族主义立场,而且反映出日本文化界在明治维新后积极谋求文化自立、自强与扩张的文化帝国主义图谋。  相似文献   

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18.
现代欧美国家的权力体系可以被看为世俗化过程的产品,政教分离的过程推动了现代国家制度和权力逻辑的改革。除了主权和民主体系的凝聚之外,国家和社会的分离以及对公民权利的保护更成为欧美自由主义的核心要义。人民在宗教自由的保护之下能够抵抗国家强迫人民接受特定教义的宣导,但是个人的自由却也让共同体认同逐渐流失。中立性让国家无法凝聚共同价值观,现代世俗国家因此陷入进退两难的窘境:世俗制度一方面给予多元社会和平生存的环境,但是另一方面也让国家体系受到社会瘫痪的威胁,自由国家在制度上给予平行社会生长的土壤。现代国家在面对恐怖主义和极端民粹思维时要重新考虑国家承担的政治责任问题,除了要掌握融合性的国家权力之外,更要在政治思想上重新创造共同的价值观。  相似文献   

19.
李光耀建立了与新加坡经济和社会发展、对外政策相适应,儒家思想主导、跨越传统与现代的政治哲学,反映现代政治发展一般规律形成,构建具有现代性、现实性、开放性、功能性特征的现代政治的核心价值体系,实现理性政治视域下公民社会的要素组合和向现代国家的过渡,但其以家长式的精英政治为核心的政治哲学在新时期受到后现代思潮的严峻挑战,为当今发展中国家政治发展提供了借鉴和参照。  相似文献   

20.
浅析印度经济增长的动力   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
中印是全球经济增长最快的两个发展中大国,但其增长模式却差异很大。印度的经济增长更具潜力和动力,因为推动印度经济增长的因素是:以信息产业为核心的服务业:低投入、高效率的增长模式和强有实力的私营企业。  相似文献   

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