Comparative urban social indicators: Problems and prospects

The increasing availability of urban social indicators offers the possibility of an overall quality of life measure which can be used to compare cities. Several solutions to the problem of combining the individual indicators into an overall comparative measure are considered in this article. The most promising results were obtained by grouping cities according to the similarity of their profiles on the social indicators. Yet the value of the comparisons remains speculative because of serious limitations in the indicators. While a number of improvements are possible, the resulting indicators will still only be adequate for use in gross comparisons of metropolitan areas.     

Theoretical issues and social indicators: A societal process approach

Well-being involves various levels: the individual, the institutional-distributive, and the societal. These levels are interrelated. Social indicators of well-being must be theoretically based so as to take into account these levels. A societal process model is proposed to describe the levels of society and the nature of well-being at each level. Social indicator types regarding the output and distribution of well-being, the effect of policy manipulatable and nonmanipulatable inputs, and the secondary consequences of inputs are suggested and examples are provided.The ideas presented herein have evolved from the authors' participation in a research project conducted for the U.S. Agency for International Development (AID/csd—3642), but do not necessarily reflect the views of that agency. Thanks are extended to J. Steven Picou, James Copp, Jon Alston, Bill Howard, and Ben Crouch, as well as to the then editor of this journal, Garry Brewer, and several anonymous reviewers who were kind enough to provide both cogent critique and encouragement. Journal Paper No. J-8808 of the Iowa Agriculture and Home Economics Experiment station, Ames, Iowa. Project No. 1837.     

The development of social indicators from content analysis of social documents

If we agree that social indicators indicate or measure only within the context of a theory of social change, and if we further assume that theories of social change which deal only with social conditions, behavioral interchanges or transactions, and the material environment, are likely to be unsuccessful because they ignore the mental side of life, it follows that we will want our theories of social change, and the social indicators associated with them, to incorporate the cultural and group psychological aspects of social behavior.When we look to possible data bases in search of raw material for social indicators of culture and group psychology there are, broadly speaking, two possibilities. Data may be gathered from interviews or from cultural artifacts.But interview response data, because of (a) their reactive character; (b) the difficulty of compiling time-series of responses; (c) the impossibility of making use of historical sources and (d) difficulties of validation against indicators external to the survey research context are, perhaps, less than ideal as a possible basis for social indicator systems. This leaves us with the possibility, and with the problem, of developing group psychological and cultural indicators from an analysis of cultural artifacts: literary documents, films, political speeches and other sources of this sort.     

Parity Reform in France: Promises and Pitfalls

In the 1990s, a new social movement emerged in France to address the underrepresentation of women in elected bodies and to promote womens's and men's equal representation, in French called parité. On the eve of the twenty‐first century, the movement achieved its main goal—a constitutional reform. The purpose of this article is to present both the promises of the parity movement and the limits of the reform. During the 1990s, parity reform appeared as a tool to achieve sex‐based political equality, but it was also seen as an indicator of feminist movement renewal and of improving French democracy. The legal texts adopted in 1999 and 2000 did not keep the promises of the movement. While the legal obligations and financial incentives in the reforms established new mechanisms for achieving parity between the sexes in elected office, they have not yet translated into actual parity in electoral outcomes.     

Toward a social indicators model of aggregate American political behavior: 1948–1976

Using time series data from 15 post-World War II congressional elections, a nine-equation social indicators model of aggregate American political behavior is estimated. Six exogenous social and economic conditions and nine endogenous political variables are linked in a schematic flow across three sectors of the national polity. Findings indicate that relatively short-term social and political conditions exert greater effects on election outcomes than do long-term partisan alignments. The party composition of the executive and legislative branches of the federal government affects defense expenditures as a proportion of all budgetary outlays, but has only weak impact on health and education expenses. Criticisms and suggestions for future work are discussed.A preliminary version of this paper was presented at the American Sociological Association Meetings in San Francisco in August 1975.     

Assessment of an attempt at a system of social indicators

Following the publication in 1968 ofIndicators of Social Change, a relatively large number of papers and books have appeared. This review-article systematically assesses some first attempts at the development of comprehensive systems of social indicators.     

Gauging the potential for social unrest

It stands to reason that social unrest does not erupt out of the blue. Although there are a great many reasons why social dismay might descend into social disorder, only few yardsticks or indices can plausibly be used to gauge the potential for social unrest (PSU). If policy makers want to undertake public action to prevent social dismay escalating into social disruption, they obviously need to draw on practical sensors. This paper assesses critically the adequacy of two such measures, the polarization (P) index, and the total relative deprivation (TRD) index. The paper proposes a tentative guide to selecting between these two measures. A review of three stylized scenarios suggests that, where income redistributions reduce the number of distinct income groups, and when each group is characterized by a strong sense of within-group identity, the P index surpasses the TRD index as a basis for predicting PSU. When the within-group identification is weak, however, it is better to use the TRD index to predict PSU.     

European Gender Mainstreaming: Promises and Pitfalls of Transformative Policy1

abstract Gender mainstreaming requires a radical redefinition of policy values and practices. This initial discussion explores the way the mainstreaming approach attempts to change the definitions of the situation so that equality in gender relations becomes an element at the point of departure. Factors that may affect whether gender mainstreaming will become an institutional innovation include the extent to which there is a commitment to a gender mission, the level of sophistication in terms of gender and policy issues in the administrative setting, the level of resistance to gender equality, and the extent to which gender experts play a role. This article investigates the role of these contextual factors as related to experiences in the European Union Commission and several states in Northern Europe.     

Credit and social capital: The community development potential of U.S. microenterprise programs

Abstract

This article looks at the community‐building activities of microenterprise programs. These programs build community primarily by creating networks that build social capital. Microenterprise programs build two types of networks—networks within programs that typically involve borrowers and networks between programs and other institutions. The article examines (1) the ways in which microenterprise programs motivate the creation of both types of networks; (2) the extent to which these networks are embedded within program structures; and (3) the process by which network formation leads to the accumulation of social capital.

The networks of relationships that Women's Initiative and Working Capital have catalyzed, both within and between programs, build social capital in important ways. The trust building that intraprogram relationships accomplish and the alteration of norms that interprogram relationships accomplish motivate the creation of networks that build social capital. These changes are not sufficient to turn poor communities around, but they are important first steps.     

The Promises and Pitfalls of Devolution: Water Pollution Policies in the American States

This article investigates state reactions to the relativelydecentralized federal policy structures that are now in placefor non–point source water pollution control and assessesthe extent to which state policies are living up to the promisesof the policy devolution agenda. It develops and presents measuresof state non–point source policy activism for all fiftystates and analyzes the likely sources of variation in statepolicies. In so doing, it finds evidence that the "promisesof devolution" are not being fulfilled across all states. Theanalysis also yields insights that can contribute to the developmentof new and more flexible federal-state policy arrangements ina policy area that has been characterized by command-and-controlregulation.     

Non-global social contracts: A note on inefficient social institutions

This paper explores some perverse features that can emerge when social contracts are moved from a social vacuum to a setting of social interdependence. In particular we note incentives that might exist in conjunction with externality problems that yield situations in which: (1) social contracts reduce social wealth; (2) sub-global social contracts are Pareto inferior to the absence of social contracts; (3) there are no incentives for global social contracts. While previous works emphasized the benefits of contracts, this paper focuses on their costs. A conclusion reached is that perhaps justice and efficiency demand not a single global social contract but rather a rich melange of sub-global contracts with appropriate interstices of anarchy.