论跟进式制度变迁

跟进式制度变迁是介于供给主导性制度变迁和需求主导性制度变迁之间的一种变迁方式。本对跟进式制度变迁的概念、性质、运行规律和跟进制度的本地化等问题，进行了初步分析。     

论中国式现代化的内生机制

内生机制是关系到中国式现代化\"是其所是\"成其所是\",创造\"两大奇迹\"的核心问题.从政治牵引机制看,强大政党的科学领导为中国式现代化引领方向、凝聚力量、把控节奏,是最高政治领导力量;从人口支撑机制看,持续性的国民\"人才化\"将人口红利转变为人才红利,为中国式现代化提供内生动力;从市场激励机制看,注重资本\"文明面\"驱动,以社会主义市场经济为中国式现代化赋能;从文化导向机制看,求真务实的理性传统、自信自立的精神品格、立己达人的价值追求为中国式现代化提供精神动力和价值引领;从制度保障机制看,坚持党的领导、人民当家作主、马克思主义在意识形态领域的指导地位、集中力量办大事的制度优势及其\"效能化\"为中国式现代化提供了根本保障.     

中国式现代化理论对思想政治教育现代转型的阐释效应分析

思想政治教育现代转型是中国式现代化的题中应有之义。中国式现代化理论在对中国式现代化进行理论总结和建构的过程中构筑的多重解释框架,为思想政治教育现代转型提供了合法性支撑和合理性说明。中国式现代化理论视域下,社会现代化转型、意识形态现代化转型以及人的现代化转型分别是推动思想政治教育现代转型的根本原因、直接原因和最终原因。新现代性内生的批判逻辑与建构逻辑,揭示了思想政治教育现代性建构中对新现代性内化与外化的转型本质。对历史之变的辩证认识和科学应对,进一步形塑了中国式现代化理论对思想政治教育现代转型坚持党的领导贯穿转型全程、树立系统化转型思维、形成独特转型叙事的经验阐释向度。     

完善多党合作制度推动中国政治发展的理论思考

具有中国特色的新型政党制度———中国共产党领导的多党合作制既是中国政治发展的产物 ,也是中国政治发展的基本条件和优势。目前 ,我国政治发展正处在转型时期。不断完善多党合作制度可以在增强国家控制能力、扩大人民政治参与、防止腐败蔓延、保持社会稳定等方面有效推动中国的政治发展。     

跟进美好生活需要:新时代中国特色社会福利制度转型论析

社会福利具有满足美好生活需要的制度力量,在现代文明进程中,围绕收入安全所展开的福利制度安排,创造出不同程度的美好生活形态。中国特色社会福利制度建设与改革开放同步,在总体上做到制度全覆盖后,出现结构性失衡与供应不充分等新问题。要解决社会福利制度不平衡不充分发展与人民群众不断增长的美好生活需要之间的矛盾,必须着眼于全面提升社会福利状态,摒弃传统社会保障的狭隘思路,使中国特色社会福利制度在结构、功能和模式上实现全面转型。     

论当代中国的内源式政治发展战略

建国以来特别是改革开放以来的具体情况表明,当代中国的政治发展选择了一种内源式的政治发展战略.论文以内源式政治发展战略的概念和特点为起点,从当代中国的民主政治建设、政治改革和政治发展的动力来源等方面论证了当代中国的政治发展战略是内源式的战略.     

比较政治学的一种分析范式:东亚威权政治转型的路径选择

路径选择对民主政治转型的进程和结果有着重大影响,我们可以通过对路径依赖因素、客观环境与政治精英的主体性选择相结合的综合效应、主要政治力量之间的力量对比和互动关系等变量的考察构建起一种行之有效的分析范式,来剖析不同路径选择的特征和成因。依据这一范式,可将东亚威权体制转型的路径分为自下而上的权威崩溃型、上下结合的妥协型和自上而下的政府改革型三种类型,不同的类型有不同的运作特征和轨迹,也产生了不同的政治结果。     

我国收养制度的理论基础、立法演进及其完善

我国自1991年颁布实施《收养法》以来,为适应社会发展需要,历经了几次修订。目前我国民法典将于2021年1月1日起施行,而我国收养法制度也纳入其中。在失独家庭增多、老龄化日益严重的情况下,民法典收养法进一步落实了儿童利益保护最大化的原则,完善了我国收养法制度。在此背景下,梳理我国收养法律制度的变迁,深入研究我国收养制度理论基础,借鉴国外先进制度,有利于我国收养制度的进一步发展。     

中国制度转轨过程中文化转型的机理及其内蕴

制度可以分为正式制度与非正式制度,非正式制度是一种文化因素,制度及其运行需要包含非正式制度在内的文化这一内在支撑。文化与一定社会和民族血脉相连,对正式制度产生极大影响。中国传统的非正式制度文化有着巨大的缺陷和弊端。中国当前的制度转轨和现代化转型提出了文化转型的内在诉求,必须大力推进中国人伦文化体系向以科学理性为核心的科学文化体系转型。     

论制度变迁的组合模式--制度创新方式与制度演进方式相机组合研究

制度变迁从规模来看,有整体和局部之分;从强度来看,有强制性和需求诱导性之分;从速度来看,有激进式和渐进式之分.对一个具体的制度变迁,可能是整体制度变迁,也可能是局部制度变迁,这就存在强度和速度的搭配选择问题.本文试图探讨制度变迁的组合模式和运用方式,并对每一种基本组合模式进行典型案例分析.     

How electoral vulnerability affects pension politics: Introducing a concept,measure and empirical application

Are electorally vulnerable politicians really less likely to support controversial legislation, such as pension reforms? While the literature on welfare state retrenchment has increasingly pointed to the role of electoral factors in the dynamics of social policy cutbacks, there are few studies that actually measure the magnitude of electoral pressure and its consequent impact on the politics of reform. To this end, the authors have developed a quantitative measure of the electoral vulnerability of politicians and tested its impact on pension reform outcomes using an original dataset comprising 16 Western European countries from 1980 to 2003. In line with expectations, the results show that the impact of electoral vulnerability on reform depends upon the system of interest intermediation. In corporatist systems, electoral vulnerability indeed impedes reform. But in pluralist systems, increased electoral vulnerability is associated with higher levels of reform. This is because unions in corporatist (but not in pluralist) systems can exploit electoral vulnerability in pre‐legislative bargaining, and thus pressure politicians. Consequently, this study has broader implications for the differential responsiveness of democracies to redistributive issues more generally.     

Institutional transformation of ASEAN: ZOPFAN,TAC, and the Bali Concord I in 1968–1976

Abstract

Many international relations (IR) scholars discuss whether the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) possesses institutional utility in maintaining security in Southeast Asia or East Asia. While this has important implications for both academics and policy-makers, ASEAN's role has been too often evaluated in terms of what has persisted within the association rather than what changed. Yet, exploring the causes and processes of institutional transformation are particularly important because they have made ASEAN expand its security utility by creating security dialogues and fostering security cooperation in the region. In this context, the crucial question is: when and how has ASEAN changed?

Focusing on the causes and processes of institutional transformation which have occurred within ASEAN, this article explores ASEAN's transformation from 1968 to 1976, by using a theoretical model, developed from historical institutionalism and the punctuated equilibrium model. Applying this approach to institutional transformation of ASEAN in the political-security field, three transformation processes are constructed. First, ASEAN member states’ expected changes in the external security environment triggered internal discussions regarding ASEAN's political-security function; second, these internal political discussions fostered institutional consolidation of ASEAN during this period; and third, such direction of institutional transformation was fundamentally guided by ideas provided by institutional norm entrepreneurs (INEs), especially Malaysia's neutrality proposal.

In particular, this article examines the process of ASEAN's creation of the Zone of Peace, Freedom, and Neutrality (ZOPFAN) in 1971, and the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC) and the Bali Concord in 1976, and argues that this model shed light on the significance of ZOPFAN that created a foundation of TAC and the Bali Concord, for which conventional wisdom has dismissed as an insignificant institutional concept by academics and practitioners.     

代际公正的制度伦理建构

代际公正的实现以有效的社会制度为依赖条件。制度伦理设计与制度伦理实施是保障代际公正实现的两个必不可少的方面。制度伦理设计以代际关系的可持续发展为重要目标,以对弱势群体的伦理关怀为突破口。公正是制度伦理实施的根本要求,它包含普适原则与忠实原则。     

Governing the Economic Transition: How Taiwan Transformed its Industrial System to Attain Virtuous Cycle Development

This study explores the transitional processes of Taiwan's innovation system over the past half century, evolving from being rooted in traditional industries to attaining development in a virtuous cycle of development. Our approach is inspired by the Arena of Development theory and acknowledges the system of transformation failures, in which we highlighted the types of failures that might impede economic progress and how they were overcome in the evolutionary targeting of Taiwan's industrial development. Our findings demonstrate that the success of Taiwan's economic transition is targeted on, and evolves with, a series of macrolevel policies in the early phase of development; mesolevel institutional mechanisms to attain the industrial emergence settings; and, in pursuit of the virtuous cycle of development, the microlevel collaboration platform. We attribute the success of Taiwan's industrial system to this series of systematic government interventions. This study provides novel and salient normative principles that guide transformational policymakers in governing transitional processes of innovation system.     

The Postcapitalist Transition: Policy Implications for the Left

The postcapitalism thesis asserts that open source and collaborative non-profit organisations represent a new, non-market sector in which the profit motive and monetary exchange no longer drive economic activity; in Marxist political economy terms, they are a new means for suppressing the law of value . Information technology has produced four systemic dysfunctions, limiting capitalism’s ability to function as a complex adaptive system: the zero marginal cost effect, the tendency to delink work from wages, positive network effects, and information asymmetries. In response, in addition to the traditional remedies of social democracy for a stagnant neoliberal economic model, left parties must adopt a programme of transition: aggressively breaking up technological monopolies; promoting universal basic income and basic service solutions; outlawing rent-seeking business models; and promoting data democracy.     

The politics of affective citizenship: from Blair to Obama

Politicians have long mobilised emotion in order to gain voters' support. However, this article argues that the politics of affect is also implicated in how citizens' identities, rights and entitlements are constructed. Examples are drawn from the positions of UK, US, Canadian and Australian politicians, including Tony Blair, David Cameron, Kevin Rudd and Barack Obama. Emotions analysed include love, fear, anxiety, empathy and hope. The article argues for the importance of a concept of ‘affective citizenship’ which explores (a) which intimate emotional relationships between citizens are endorsed and recognised by governments in personal life and (b) how citizens are also encouraged to feel about others and themselves in broader, more public domains. It focuses on issues of sexuality, gender, race and religion, and argues that the politics of affect has major implications for determining who has full citizenship rights. The Global Financial Crisis has also seen the development of an ‘emotional regime’ in which issues of economic security are increasingly influencing constructions of citizenship.     

Institutional shrinkage: The deviant case of Swiss banking secrecy

Using the Mahoney–Thelen causal model one would expect “layering” to be the dominant kind of institutional change affecting Swiss banking secrecy. Our research into governance in Swiss banking shows that it does not fit this theoretical model. Applying deviant case analysis we have refined our understanding of institutional change. We argue that the removal of rules and the momentum of pressure should be acknowledged when explaining variations of institutional change and we suggest that the processes of shrinkage should not be ignored.     

Signed but Not Ratified: Limits to U.S. Participation in International Environmental Agreements

Why does the United States sign environmental treaties but not ratify them? U.S. presidents have negotiated and signed several environmental treaties that ultimately could not obtain Senate ratification. This article considers two alternative explanations. First, presidents may face divided government and upcoming elections; elections can increase uncertainty regarding ratification, because they upset majorities and change congressional preferences on issues. Such factors may have caused “involuntary” defection from international environmental cooperation. Second, compensation and compromise on enabling legislation could satisfy enough senators and their constituents to allow the legislation's passage. Failure to secure ratification may be a result of the president's overestimating the potential for negotiating a policy package capable of creating sufficient support to obtain Senate ratification. I compare domestic constraints on U.S. participation in three international environmental negotiations—climate change, biodiversity, and chemicals—to assess the alternative explanations. The cases exemplify how domestic institutions affect international environmental cooperation.     

The Bifurcation of Politics: Two Englands

A dynamic of global economic development means that many countries are experiencing uneven development and their citizens are increasingly split between those who can access high‐skill jobs and those who cannot. As a result some citizens are living in cosmopolitan areas of growth and others in backwater areas of decline. There are emerging out of these processes two versions of England. In cosmopolitan areas we find an England that is global in outlook, liberal and more plural in its sense of identity. In provincial backwaters we find an England that is inward‐looking, relatively illiberal, negative about the EU and immigration, nostalgic and more English in its identity. This bifurcation of England is already having political effects, reflected in the outcome of the 2015 general election. It will further reconfigure politics over the next two decades, creating diverse political citizens and a complex array of challenges and dilemmas for governments, political parties, campaigners and political organisers.