政党基层组织的现代化转型初探

社会转型对政党转型的要求 1.社会现代化转型对政党基层组织造成了外部压力.中国长期以来一直为农耕社会,作为-个后发的现代化国家,其外在压力要求快速实现转型和发展,而其社会成长尚无力量支撑转型,政党必然成为其转型推动的主导力量,并为适应这种现代化的转型,自身组织结构、运作机制和动员方式亟需实现转型.     

政党基层组织的现代化转型初探

一、社会转型对政党转型的要求 1．社会现代化转型对政党基层组织造成了外部压力。 中国长期以来一直为农耕社会，作为—个后发的现代化国家，其外在压力要求陕速实现转型和发展，而其社会成长尚无力量支撑转型，政党必然成为其转型推动的主导力量，并为适应这种现代化的转型，自身组织结构、运作机制和动员方式亟需实现转型。     

论我国市场经济制度层次性的建构逻辑

中国的转型改革之路创造了西方经济理论体系之外的经济发展奇迹.针对这一现有西方经济理论无法完全解释的转型模型,从市场经济制度层次性角度出发解释其逻辑,我们发现,中国模式正是通过微观先行、中观突破、宏观完善的转型次序,体现了市场经济制度层次性的建构逻辑.     

减税千亿为发展助力

作为中国第一大税种的增值税,其全面转型方案正日渐明朗。据悉,财政部拟定的可能超过1000亿元减税规模的增值税全面转型方案,日前已上报国务院待批。该方案将使增值税从生产型向消费型全面转型,其最大亮点是全额抵扣、全行业转型,方案并建议于2009年1月1日起实施。这意味着,当前宏观形势为这一改革创造了良机,加速了     

我国社会转型中的风险及其治理

"植入式""压缩式""全面式"的现代化转型过程造成中国社会兼具复杂性和两重性,出现了风险共生现象,严重阻碍了社会的成功转型。通过对中国社会转型的复杂性研究,探讨社会转型与风险共生的内在关联,"压缩式"的现代化转型过程是风险共生的根源所在,其背后是缺乏有效的风险预防和治理体系。所以,建构关于风险的全方位的现代化复合治理模式,对抵御和化解转型风险具有重要意义。     

国家转型的逻辑主线和进程调控——以中俄两国转型道路为分析对象

国家转型是现代化运动的重要标志和核心构成。中国和俄罗斯的国家转型具有进行比较研究的客观基础。俄罗斯转型的本质是与苏联社会主义制度完全决裂的激进式替代性变革,其逻辑主线是西方化与本土化之间此消彼长的争锋。俄罗斯转型初期全盘引入的西方理念和制度框架未能带来预期的民主、富裕和繁荣,转型深陷困境之后强人政治的回归成为逻辑必然。中国转型的实质是内生于社会主义制度的渐进性增量改革,其逻辑主线乃是原则性与创新性的共存与互助,目前已经取得了显著的阶段性成效,但也面临着前所未有的风险和挑战。维护转型秩序、化解转型危机,关键在于通过一个具有自我革新精神和自我监督意识的领导核心保持对转型进程的调控能力,提升国家治理主体和治理结构对新的形势和任务的适应性,持续改善执政党的领导能力和治理水平。     

转型期中国社会的组织性探析

在中国现代化和市场化转型中,社会结构、组织方式发生了巨大变化,但作为执政党的中国共产党始终是构建公共秩序的主导力量,执政党主导的组织化社会体制是中国社会的根本力量.这种组织化社会体制推动了经济的平稳快速发展,保障了社会转型的平稳有序.然而,高度组织化体系也有着其自身的一些缺陷.因此,对其变革是中国社会发展的必然.要通过逐渐构建制度化调控模武,平衡组织性与创造性,推进中国社会成功转型.     

中国社会转型中的和谐建设

社会转型时期和谐问题尤为突出。中国社会转型极其复杂,在纵向上是双重叠加,即在向工业社会的转型中,也开始了向信息社会的转型。在横向上是多重复合,不同地区经历不同的转型。中国转型中产生巨大社会制度冲击和价值冲击,尤其是城市化和市场化的冲击。中国的和谐建设既要重视传统转型中的制度建设,又要重视现代转型中的价值建设。     

加入WTO与行政文化创新

要适应加入WTO后的形势,建立在中国传统官僚政治和计划经济基础之上的行政文化必须做好转型和创新。行政 文化的创新有其必要性,其基础是加入WTO后市场经济文化的形成和发展。同时,行政文化转型创新是一个复杂的过程,必 须要采取一些相应的对策。     

走出“转型陷阱”的路径选择

何为"转型陷阱"今年以来,"转型陷阱"一词开始在学界兴起,这一概念是由社会学家孙立平教授提出来的。孙教授在其为主笔的清华大学2011年度"社会进步系列研究报告"中,正式提出"转型陷阱"说法,以别于近年在中国学界流行的"中等收入陷阱"之说。     

Prospects for Democratic Transition in China

The core tenet of modernization theory is that as nation-states develop both economically and socially, they will inevitably transition to democracy. Yet, despite 30-years of robust economic development and growth, including increases in civil society, democracy remains elusive in China. In this article, we conduct a critical and empirical analysis to understand the challenges and possibilities of democratization in China. Should China transition to democracy, it will most likely occur through a top-down process that transforms the state and its institutions of government or through a cooperative pact by joint forces of top-down and bottom-up processes. Under either a converted or cooperative transition, the modeling in this study strongly suggests that China is likely to be successful should it undertake the process of democratization.     

“科学”的价值诉求在现代中国的转型

“：科学”一词引入中国之初，就被视为一种价值体系，被赋予价值维度的理解。在“科学救国——科学兴国——科学发展”的转换过程中“，科学”更多地承载了立国、兴国、强国的使命，展示出其价值诉求的转型历程。这种价值维度的梳理为当前科学发展道路的理念确立和价值选择提供了历史的和逻辑的依据。     

转型期中国公民社会的建构探析

改革开放以来,中国开始了由计划经济向市场经济的转型,但是转型进程中,我们发现,政治国家的力量大大超越了公民社会的力量,公民社会一直被政治国家所湮没,因此,如何构建一个成熟的公民社会就成为当代中国社会转型的轴心,并将影响着中国现代化的进程与前景。本文基于当代中国公民社会现状提出：建构一个成熟的公民社会是中国社会转型的必由之路,而在当代中国公民社会的构建进程中,市场经济的建立和完善是基础,现代公司的塑造是核心,社会组织的发展是关键,宪政民主制度的确立是保障。     

倾向度匹配、救助依赖与瞄准机制——基于社会救助制度实施效应的经验分析

为更好地了解社会救助制度实施状况,笔者第一次尝试性地利用实际调查微观住户数据资料,结合倾向度匹配方法分析了目前中国社会救助体系对贫困家庭的瞄准机制、实施效果等问题。分析结果显示,中国社会救助方式在经济和社会体制转型过程中产生了显著性的改变。并且从"救助依赖"产生的视角来看,中国社会救助制度在设定的过程中能在一定程度上规避制度本身产生的"救助依赖"问题。针对这个问题我们分析了受助群体再就业家庭对社会救助制度待遇高低的反应,通过其再就业行为的变化,提出了规避受助家庭成员在再就业市场上产生的负面影响,从而更好地促进社会救助制度实施正面效应。     

Globalization and Reunification: Administrative Reforms and the China–Hong Kong Convergence Challenge

When Hong Kong reintegrated with China in 1997, one critical issue was whether the flourishing center of economic activity with an efficient administrative framework would lose its advantages and become just another city of the People's Republic of China. This article examines the process of managing transition as socialist China tries to accommodate capitalist Hong Kong. With strong forces of globalization at play, both units have had to embark on administrative reforms to make their systems compatible with the demands of the new circumstances. An overview of the reforms they have undertaken reveals that convergence is possible despite markedly different points of departure. However, while the forces of globalization press for increased convergence, the forces of institutional arrangements and history present a major challenge. The balance of the push and pull of convergent and divergent forces will determine the direction and outcome of administrative reforms in China and Hong Kong.     

China–North Korea relations and the 19th Party Congress

China has come under increasing American pressure to lean on North Korea to curtail its nuclear weapon and ballistic missile programmes. But Chinese President Xi Jinping's priority is to maintain the domestic and international status quo to ensure the Communist Party's smooth transition behind him at the 19th Party Congress next autumn. Until that process has been completed, major change in Beijing's behaviour towards Pyongyang is unlikely.     

Domestic regulatory reform and transgovernmental networks: Brazil and China in the global competition regime

Developing countries increasingly participate in transgovernmental networks of global regulatory governance, but they do so in different ways. This article aims to provide an explanation for this variation for two of the major emerging powers in the world economy, Brazil and China, in their transition toward more active players in the global competition regime. Distinguishing between bilateral and multilateral transgovernmental networks and examining the domestic factors conditioning the transition of their national competition agencies from rule-takers to rule-promoters or rule-makers through these networks, the article makes theoretical contributions to the linkage between transgovernmentalism and the regulatory state. I argue that differing political needs and the incomplete process of regulatory state formation push domestic agencies to join transgovernmental networks, with a need for greater legitimacy steering the Brazilian regulators to multilateral networks and facilitating their transition from rule-takers to rule-promoters. The Chinese agencies' primary need for expertise rather than legitimacy, by contrast, led them to pursue technical assistance and cooperation via bilateral relationships. The Chinese approach has slowed its transition from rule-taker to rule-promoter where its norms and practices are aligned with the established powers. Such approach will further impede its transition into a global rule-maker in areas of competition law and policy where China's preferences diverge.     

Unraveling the Chinese Miracle: A Perspective of Interlinked Relational Contract

This paper is an attempt to provide an explanation for the socioeconomic foundation which underlies China’s economic miracle. As suggested by the theory of interlinked contract, the transition from a planning economy to a market economy is a multifaceted process. In terms of market dynamics interlinking markets replace specialized markets, while in terms of governance dynamics, interlinked contracts give way to formal contracts. A good match between the markets structure and contractual structure is key to the success of transition. In particular, some China-specific institutions, like TVEs, the financial system and the restructuring of SOEs can be better understood within this framework. Broadly, the whole reform package in China also is in good accordance with the spirit of interlinked contract. Wang thanks Project 985 of Fudan University, China Social Science Foundation Project (05CJL014), the MOE Project of Key Research Institute of Humanities and Social Sciences at Universities (07JJD790130 and Shanghai Leading Academic Discipline Project (B101) for financial support. Thanks also go to Sam Bowles, Sujian Guo, Peter Zeitz and anonymous referees for their helpful comments. Errors are solely ours.     

Consistency and change in American perceptions of China

The cold war dominated American perceptions of the People's Republic of China during the 1950s and 1960s, and opinions of China were correspondingly negative. Improved Sino-American relations, accompanied by domestic reforms in China, led to a gradual improvement in American attitudes toward China during the 1970s and 1980s. By the late 1980s, Americans held positive perceptions of China and its relations with the United States, but continued to view the People's Republic as communist and undemocratic. This sort of inconsistency is characteristic of periods of cognitive transition: some established perceptions are slower to change than others, and this results in structural imbalance. The Tiananmen Square massacre of June 1989 interrupted this transitional process and sent perceptions of China shooting back toward balanced, cold war stereotypes. The massacre set the Chinese government in a clear symbolic struggle against freedom and democracy. This rekindled latent cold war images of China and elicited disapproving rhetoric from American leaders. The result was a quick reversion to negative perceptions of China, structured by a lingering cold war schema. These processes are demonstrated through the presentation of a study that explores the cognitive structure of perceptions of China both before and after the massacre.     

风险的体制性衰减:一个概念性分析框架

灾害社会科学的不断发展将灾害、危机、风险研究推向全景视阈，而组织视角的灾害风险分析则从中观层面为风险研究提供新的学术增量。随着现实社会中的风险规制体系复杂性程度剧增，风险组织中运作过程常常呈现衰减现象，组织困境已成为风险治理的模式与政策选择的重要因素。通过聚焦风险的体制性衰减问题的成因及过程，并就风险的体制性衰减的测度量纲进行尝试性探讨，借由所提出的概念性框架对转型期风险规制体制设计提供理论支撑。